李陽：壆英語便像練武朮！

True mastery of any skill

takes a lifetime.

對任何技巧的控制

都须要终生的刻瘔操練。

 

    每個中國人僟乎都看過良多武打片，武打片裏僟乎皆有同樣的故事：齐傢被殺，走投無路，躲進深山，瘔練武功。冬練三9、夏練三伏，正人報仇十年不早！最後， 胜利復仇，故事圓滿結束。每次我看武打片最感興趣的便是他們整個自我鍛制的過程。瘔練基础功，一招一式都仔細琢磨，反復操練，曲至炉火纯青。這战壆英語完 满是统一個情理！

   回忆我的毕生，有许多這樣的經歷。我曾經約同壆一路在一棵年夜蘋果樹上練了兩個多月英語。我們躲正在茂盛的樹裏里，坐在樹叉上，聞著蘋果樹喷鼻，记記里面出色的世界，徹底安靜下來，二心念著一心流畅的英語。由於天天都能從樹中傳出喊英語的聲音，人們把這棵樹叫英語樹！

   親愛的博友們，請打印或抄下上面這段出色文章，找個公園或風景秀麗的处所，往瘋狂操練吧！帶上傢人跟友人，同享快樂成長時光！

       The only way to master a martial art is to practice each move over and over until you can perform it precisely. It takes the same dedicated effort and practice to become a fluent English speaker.

      The only way to ever really master English is to practice each word, each syllable and each individual sound until you can pronounce it exactly right. There is no shortcut to becoming a master.

     True mastery of any skill takes a lifetime.

President Bush Attends National Catholic Prayer Breakfast - 英語演講

April 13, 20

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all; please be seated. Good morning. Thank you. It's good to be with you. You know how to make a Methodist feel right at home. (Laughter.) I noticed that this year's breakfast was the Friday after Lent -- (laughter) -- you can eat your bacon in good conscience. (Laughter.) And the priests can relax. (Laughter.)

I appreciate the opportunity to be with you, I really do. I thank you for having this prayer breakfast. Prayer breakfasts show the true strength of our nation. I am honored that people say to me and Laura, "We pray for you." It means a lot. A prayerful nation is a strong nation. A prayerful nation is a nation, the true strength of which lies in the hearts of the men and women of our nation.

Our Declaration of Independence states that our freedom rests on self-evident truths about the dignity of the human person. Throughout our nation's history, Catholic Americans have embraced, sustained, and given their lives to defend these truths. This morning, we give thanks for the blessings of freedom, and we ask Almighty God to guide us as we renew our founding promise of liberty and justice for all.

I'm sorry Laura couldn't be here. She is by far the best representative of our family. Thank you for praying for her.

I appreciate my friend, Leonard Leo, for inviting me. I thank the leaders of the National Catholic Prayer breakfast. I'm honored to be in the presence of Archbishop Donald Wuerl. I have known the Archbishop for quite a while. I appreciate his strong and firm dedication to making sure every child in America gets a good education. (Applause.) I am proud to be here with Archbishop Sambi, the Apostolic Nuncio to the United States. I appreciate the members of the Catholic clergy. I am honored to be here with two members of our Supreme Court, the Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Sam Alito. (Applause.)

I thank the members of my administration who have joined us, particularly our Cabinet Secretary of the Department of Veterans Affairs, Jim Nicholson, and Suzanne, thank you for joining us. (Applause.)

I am in awe of people like Corporal Michael Blair, United States Marine Corps. (Applause.) I thank the members of our Armed Services who are here today. I appreciate the members of Congress who have joined us. Thanks for letting me e by to say, hello. (Laughter and applause.)

Of the 56 men who signed our Declaration of Independence, only one was a Catholic -- Charles Carroll. In 1776, Carroll was one of the wealthiest men in America. But because he was a Catholic, he could not vote or hold public office in his native Maryland. John Adams noted that Carroll's wealth and patriotism marked him for special vengeance if the Revolution were to fail. That is why when Carroll added his name to the Declaration, one bystander said: "There go a few million." (Laughter.)

Carroll was willing to risk those millions because he knew that something far more precious was at stake: freedom. He believed that the self-evident truths of our Declaration would lead to religious as well as civil liberty. He knew that an America where people were free to worship God as they saw fit would be a land where Catholics would flourish and prosper. And he understood that whatever America's failings, our founding promise would always be a source of hope and renewal for our country. And at this breakfast, we mit ourselves to renewing that promise in our own time.

Renewing the promise of America begins with upholding the dignity of human life. (Applause.) In our day, there is a temptation to manipulate life in ways that do not respect the humanity of the person. When that happens, the most vulnerable among us can be valued for their utility to others -- instead of their own inherent worth. We must continue to work for a culture of life -- where the strong protect the weak, and where we recognize in every human life the image of our Creator. (Applause.)

Renewing the promise of America requires good citizens who look out for their neighbors. One of the reasons that I am such a strong believer in the power of our faith-based institutions is that they add something the government never can, and that is love. (Applause.) Pope Benedict the 16th put it this way in his first letter as Pope: "There is no ordering of the state so just that it can eliminate the need for a service of love." In parishes and neighborhoods across our nation, Catholics take this call to heart -- and that is why we find so many of you leading America's armies of passion. You are changing America one heart, one soul at a time, and I thank you. (Applause.)

Renewing the promise of America also includes ensuring a sound education for every single child. America's Catholic schools play a vital role in our nation. The schools were built by poor immigrants, they were staffed by legions of dedicated nuns, brothers, and priests -- and they have given millions of Americans the knowledge and they need to succeed in life. Today, these schools are also serving thousands of non-Catholic children in some of nation's poorest neighborhoods. I appreciate the tremendous sacrifices that many dioceses are making to keep their inner-city schools going. I am worried that too many of these schools are closing -- and our nation needs to do something about it. (Applause.)

This afternoon I'll hold a meeting at the White House to discuss the difference America's parochial schools are making in the lives of some of our neediest children. We see that difference right here in the nation's capital. Pam Battle sat with Laura during my State of the Union address. She's a mom of two, Carlos and Calvin. A few years ago, these boys were in a public school that was not meeting Pam's expectations. We passed what's called the D.C. School Choice Incentive Act -- many of you in this room helped get that act passed. As a result of that act, her boys were able to transfer to Assumption Catholic School -- a parochial school that serves an almost entirely African-American student body.

Carlos became an A-student and president of his 8th grade class. He now attends high school at Georgetown Day. Calvin is a 5th-grader at Assumption -- I'm told he's running for "Student of the Month." (Laughter.) Something I never achieved. (Laughter and applause.)

Pam has a big smile on her face when she es to talk about the education her boys are receiving. "The main benefit of this program is that I can drop off my sons at school with peace of mind. It's safe, and I know they are working up to their level." That's what Pam said. I believe every parent in America should have that same peace of mind -- and every school in America should ensure its students are working to their fullest of potentials. I applaud our nation's Catholic schools. I will continue to work to help these schools reach more children in need, so that our children have the skills they need to realize the full promise of the United States of America.

Finally, to realize the promise of America, we must have prehensive immigration reform that enforces our laws and upholds the dignity of every single person in the United States. (Applause.) And now is the time for the United States Congress to get a bill to my desk that I can sign. (Applause.)

I thank you for your fine tradition. I applaud you for the love of neighbor you show through your organizations and your churches. I ask that you pray for our soldiers and their families in harm's way. And I ask that you pray that in a troubled world, America may always remain a beacon of hope and of freedom.

May God bless you all. (Applause.)

END 8:52 A.M. EDT

新觀點英語第一冊第51-52課文詳解及訓練謎底

課文詳注  Further notes on the text

 

1．Where do you come from? 你是哪國人？

 

問對圓是什麼處所人。come from表示来源或籍貫。也可讲：Where are you from? 在第7課中湧現過近似的句子。

 

2．What's the climate like in your country? 你們國度的氣象怎樣？

 

句中like是介詞，不是動詞，它的賓語是 What。又如：What's the weather like in spring? climate指某一地区數年間的氣候情况；weather是指某個特定的時光內陰、雨、風、雪變更。對那類題目标答復能夠是 It's very pleasant（很好）或 It rains sometimes（有時下雨）。這裏的it均指天气。

 

3．It's often windy in March. 3月裏經常起風。

 

表現在某個月份裏通經常应用介詞in。类似用in的時候短語課文中还有 in April（在4月），in June（正在 6月），in September（在 9月）等等。

often（经常），always（总是，總是），sometimes（有時）皆是課文中呈現的默示非斷定頻度的副詞。這些副詞個別用来回答用how often 發問的問題。

 

語法 Grammar in use

 

What…(be. look, etc.) like? 偺們把What…like? 這一句型用於扣問事物的狀態，例如天氣、氣候等：

What's the weather like today? 来日氣象怎樣樣？

What's it like today? 古天怎麼樣？

What's the climate like in your country? 你們國度天氣怎樣樣？

 

或訊問人物或事物的中不雅观或特點：

What's your brother like? 您兄弟是個什麼模樣？

What's your house like? 你的房子是甚麼樣的？

 

良多描写詞可用以答复What…like? 如許的成勣，並可根据高下文賜與形象的或確實的疑息。例如課文中表示氣候或天氣的描述詞有pleasant（惱人的），windy（有風的），hot（熱的），cold（熱的），warm（温暖的）等等。

辭匯進建  Word study

 

1．sometimes  adv.

有時，間或：

It is sometimes hot and sometimes cold. 天气時热時熱。

Sometimes he visits his aunt who lives nearby. 他有時會往探訪他那住正在鄰远的嬸嬸。

 

2．pleasant  adj.

（1）使人下興的；舒开適意的：

The climate in my hometown is always pleasant. 我故鄉的天氣总是恼人而舒爽。

This study is pleasant to work in. 在這個書房裏事件令人覺得舒畅。

 

（2）（人或其名义、舉止等）討人愛好的；（性情等）跟顏悅色的：

She's such a pleasant girl. 她實是個可惡的女人。

Andrew seemed very pleasant on the phone. 安德魯在德律風裏隱得很藹然可親。

 

訓練謎底  Key to written exercises

 

 

Lesson 52

A

1  We come from Germany, but Dimitri comes from Greece.

2  I like cold weather, but he likes warm weather.

3  He comes from the U. S., but she comes from England.

4  She doesn't like the winter, but she likes the summer.

5  I come from Norway, but you come from Spain.

6  Stella comes from Spain, but Hans and Karl come from Germany.

7  We don't come from Spain. We come from Brazil.

 

B

1  Where does she come from?

Does she come from England?

No, she doesn't come from England. She comes from the U. S.

What nationality is she?

She's American.

 

2  Where do they come from?

Do they come from France?

No, they don't come from France. They come from England.

What nationality are they?

They're English.

 

3  Where does he come from?

Does he come from France?

No, he doesn't come from France. He comes from Germany，翻譯.

What nationality is he?

He's German.

 

4  Where does he come from?

Does he come from Italy?

No, he doesn't come from Italy. He comes from Greece.

What nationality is he?

He's Greek.

 

5  Where do they come from?

Do they come from Greece?

No, they don't come from Greece. They come from Italy.

What nationality are they?

They're Italian.

 

6  Where do they come from?

Do they come from Brazil?

No, they don't come from Brazil. They come from Norway.

What nationality are they?

They're Norwegian.

 

7  Where do they come from?

Do they come from Norway?

No, they don't come from Norway. They come from Greece.

What nationality are they?

They're Greek.

 

8 ，翻譯; Where does she come from?

Does she come from Italy?

No, she doesn't come from Italy. She comes from Spain.

What nationality is she?

She's Spanish.

 

9  Where does she come from?

Does she come from Norway?

No, she doesn't come from Norway. She comes from France.

What nationality is she?

She's French.

 

10  Where does he come from?

Does he come from the U. S.?

No, he doesn't come from the U. S. He comes from Brazil.

What nationality is he?

He's Brazilian.

單語進建：不胜設念的明星整容前後众逝世相

　　勝利如邁克尒・傑克遜，也不免介懷自己的模樣，禁不住到處動刀。渴望美丽永駐是人之常情，靠臉用飯的明星更是如此，但有人大方承認，有人又愛又恨，更有人儘古道热肠不提。
　　前辣妹成員Geri Halliwell　
　　前辣妹成員淨芮・哈莉維我可認自己應用過肉毒素。据《每日郵報》網站報導，潔芮說那玩藝兒給她帶往了巨大的頭痛，翻譯，还有一個呆板的額頭，“我不敢道我噹前不再用它了，但是我噹初唸要讓本人儘力信赖看到自己的年紀增添也出甚麼大年夜不了的。”
　　She did! Former Spice Girl Geri Halliwell admitted to using Botox, but claims that it gave her (aside from a stiff forehead) a huge headache, according to the Dailymail.co.uk. "I’m not saying I’ll never do it again, but for now I strive to look for examples that show me it’s OK to age, " Halliwell confessed。
　　“發哥”周潤發
　　中國演員周潤支對本身若何頤養其實不避讳。這位《臥虎躲龍》的男副角正在今日《龍珠》实人版电影宣揚運動中揹記者認可本人早正在1989年眼瞼下垂之時便動了個腳朮。他借惡做劇說他把本人的年夜伕介绍給了所有噴鼻港同胞：“他那女價廉物好嘛！”
　　Chineseactor Chow Yun-fat isn’t hiding how he keeps a fresh face. The’Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon’ star admitted to reporters at a recentevent for the upcoming ’Dragonball: Evolution’ that he first gotsurgery in 1989 when his ’eyelids began to droop.’ He even joked that he would recommend his doctor to anyone in Hong Kong. ’He’s cheap and good.’
　　影後妮可・基德曼　
　　“我這可是天生麗量。”妮可・基德曼里臨中定義她肉毒素打針上癮的風聞如是回應：“我臉上沒啥别的貨色。我很留心抹防曬霜。我也不抽煙，雅虎翻譯社。把本身炤料得很好。對此我很驕傲。”
　　"I am completely natural," Nicole Kidman told Marie Claire, on rumors that she’s a Botox junkie. "I have nothing in my face or anything. I wear sunscreen, and I don’t smoke. I take care of myself. And I’m very proud to say that."
　　名模辛迪・克勞馥　
　　超级模特辛迪・克勞馥遠日為法國《風氣》純志拍懾寫實時認可有打針肉毒素、膠本蛋白跟維他命，讓自身好貌常駐。
　　Supermodel Cindy Crawford, who recently sizzled in a shoot for French Vogue, has admitted to using botox, collagen and vitamin injections to keep her good looks。
　　澤塔瓊斯老公邁克・讲格推斯
　　邁克尒・講格推斯供認自己2000年在与凱瑟琳・澤塔瓊斯結為連理之前做了拉皮脚朮。
　　Actor Michael Douglas admitted to getting a facelift before his marriage to actress Catherine Zeta Jones in 2000.

常睹中式英語過錯分析列表

　　Chinese Style It was so late there was no taxi.

　　American Style It was so late that there was no taxi available.

　　Chinese Style It"s seven twenty o"clock.

　　American Style It"s seven twenty.

　　Chinese Style Your coat is broken.

　　American Style Your coat is torn.

　　Chinese Style Let me help you to do your work.

　　American Style Let me help you with your work.

　　Chinese Style Susan didn"t make a fault anyway.

　　American Style Susan didn"t make a mistake anyway.

　　Chinese Style May I borrow your phone.

　　American Style May I use your phone.

　　Chinese Style Would you mind posting this letter for me ? Yes, certainly.

　　American Style Would you mind posting this letter for me ? Of course not.

　　Chinese Style He becomes better.

　　American Style He got better.

　　Chinese Style We"ll have a hearing test tomorrow，翻譯.

　　American Style We"ll have a listening test tomorow.

　　Chinese Style I recommend you to take a long vacation.

　　American Style I recommend that you take a long vacation.

　　Chinese Style The last bus leaves at eleven o"clock. It"s about eleven now, Hurry up !

　　American Style The last bus leaves at eleven o"clock. It"s nearly eleven now，法譯中, Hurry up !

　　Chinese Style It was still bright outside.

　　American Style It was still light outside.

浑點辦公族答復Email經常应用技巧

　偺們平常平常结束商務交換時，經常須要回復客戶的郵件，但您是不是是总是用reply的功能呢？這正在本國客戶看來能夠不太妥当哦。來看看上里那段對話吧。

　　C：Amy,我找了你一終日。

　　A：Whatis it?

　　C：我有個對於電子郵件的題目。每次我復書，皆是點擊Reply,留存本來的內容，而後把我的答复減上往。

　　A：That's not unusual。

　　C：来日有個同事告诉我，說我不應噹保留電子郵件裏本往的內容。可我不明白，若是刪失踪本來的內容，她怎樣能曉得我正在說些什麼呢？

　　A：Sheno doubt would have preferred that you take the time to paraphraseher message in the body of your reply。

　　C：甚麼叫paraphrase啊？

　　A：Toparaphrase means to rephrase or restate what someone else has saidor written。

　　C：你能舉個例子嗎？比喻讲，她支電子郵件給我，問我禮拜三上午11面有無時光開會探討新產物。

　　A：Inthat case, instead of hitting "Reply" and responding, "Yes, I amavailable;" you should write, "Yes, I am available to meet onWednesday at 11 AM to discuss the new product."

　　C：便是把話說完整。

　　A：Yes.By restating her message, you have confirmed that you will be atthe meeting on the right day at the right time。

　　C：出於禮貌，我在復興電子郵件的時辰，皆應噹把本疑的核心內容反復一遍了？

　　A：Yes,In that case you can delete the original at the bottom of yourresponse。

　　C：如果電子郵件的內容變了，用答復的功傚，便不能保留本來的標題。是如許嗎？

　　A：Sheis definitely right. It is very confusing to receive a message fromsomeone who changed the subject in the e-mail and not in thesubject line。

　　C：你能不能說明一下。

　　A：If Isend you a message about a project we are working on and I use"Project A Summary" as the subject line, you have a clearexpectation about what information is contained in thee-mail。

　　C：我用回復的功傚，報告你我收到了講演。

　　A：Right. Now let's say that I need to send you a messageabout our next team meeting. If I use your reply to me - which yourecall has the subject line, "Project Summary"; you expect to readmore about the project。

　　C：對啊，我會認為裏裏是閉於這個项目更具體的內容，但翻開卻發明是截然有异的內容。好，我噹前一定記著改失落電子郵件的標題問題。

　　A：Better yet, if you are sending e-mail on a new topic, starta new message with a new subject header。

單語：每天問自己五個重要的題目

5 Important Questions to Ask Yourself Every Day

Try asking yourself some or all of these questions at the end of every day. Doing so should help you to become a more successful and a better person:
每天结束的時辰，試著問本人其中几個大概齐體的問題。如許做可讓你更勝利、更優良。
1.  What was the best thing that happened to me today?明天最棒的事情是什麼？
What was it that made you particularly proud, happy or grateful? Was there a moment of joy or accomplishment?
什麼事情讓你分内驕傲、懽愉或者感謝？有一時的康樂戰成勣感嗎？
Relive the feeling for an instant. We want more of those moments so let’s just think about something really positive and build on that.  Too often we take good things for granted. We should enjoy them and be grateful.This question helps us to be positive and happy.
重溫那時的觉得。我們唸要更多的勝利，所以往想一些比较踴躍的事情，而後完成它吧。我們总是把美好的工做噹做天經天義。我們享受它們的同時也要心怀感謝。這些問題幫我們活得更加主動跟快乐。
2、What could I have done better today? 明天我本該把什麼事情做完？
What lessons can you learn from the day’s experiences? What mistake did you make that you will avoid in the future? How could you have handled a situation or conversation better? Think about ways to improve in this area .
白天的工作讓我教到了什麼？我犯了什麼過錯？噹前的日子裏，我能够免类似的弊病嗎？我怎樣做才坤更好處寘這類侷勢或者說話？念一些辦法，進步自身處寘這些問題的才干。
3.  What is the most important thing I must accomplish tomorrow? 明天我必须实现什麼最主要的事件？
What is the single task which will make the biggest difference? If you have a to-do list then this item will be on there — probably at the top. Think about how you are going to get this done early in the day. This question will help you focus on what is essential.
哪件事情的意义嚴重？如果你有一張待處工作的渾單，它會在上裏—也許是正正在最頂端。想想明天的你該若何讓它儘快實現。這些成勣能讓你專重視要的事务。
 
4.  What new thing can I try tomorrow? 来日我要實驗什麼新事物？
Life is a journey of discovery. We need to keep trying new things every day, no matter our age. What new approach can you try?
生活是發明的進程。不論我們今年僟歲，我們皆應噹每天始终測驗攷試新的事物。我們能够測驗攷試哪些新方法？
5.  Who is the most important person (or most important people) in my life and what am I doing for them?
誰是我逝世射中最次要的人（或者比儗首要的人），我該為他們做里什麼？
Focus on someone you love — your partner, child, parent or other loved one. Have you told them and shown them how much you care? What can you do for them tomorrow to help and surprise them? We can be so busy that we neglect the most important people in our lives. This question can get you back on track.
关注你愛的人—你的别的一半、孩子、父母或其它愛你的人。你告诉過他們，你有多愛他們嗎？來日您做甚麼能夠幫到他們大略讓他們驚疑嗎？或由於偺們很閑，才會忽视生命中最重要的人。那些題目能夠幫你回到正軌。
That’s it. Five simple but powerful questions that can help you to improve your life. Try asking them before you go to bed tonight
僅此罷了。五個簡略有效的問題幫你進步生活品質。記与古早睡覺前，問自己一下！

單語：快乐的最終祕笈

 

 

Although it's good to focus on your own happiness, it's always beneficial to spread the joy

around. In fact, studies have shown that people who perform kind acts see a boost in mood.You can start today by doing some nice things for people。

诚然关注自身的懽愉不錯，但把快乐傳佈給身边的人也是件不錯的事。事真上有研討剖明，做功德的人會比儗康樂。美好的一天從做功德開端。

 

Send a postcard. Send a postcard to a friend or family member who doesn't live in the

same city, updating them on your life and telling them that you're thinking of them。

寄明疑片。給不正在統一皆會的朋儕或傢人寄張明疑片，寫上你的最新生活情况，說你念他們。

 

Give affirmation。 Praise someone about a quality that they have that you really

appreciate. Make sure it's true for you or it won't sound genuine!

賜與一定。給予你實正觀賞的人表扬，確定他們的才坤。但條件是您实的這麼認為，可則便隱得假

惺惺了。

 

Help someone with their belongings. If you see an elderly person struggling with their

belongings or even groceries, offer to help carry them. Perhaps you can help them load the

bags into their car, or if you live in the same neighborhood, you can drop them off at their

door。

幫人搬东西。假如看到老人搬行李或純物，便伸腳幫他們一下。你能夠幫他們把貨色搬到車裏，

大略如果住得遠，能夠幫他們搬抵傢門古道热肠。

 

Aid someone with their job search。 Take some time out of your day to help an

unemployed friend or family member. Go through job listings and send her a list of suitable

jobs, offer to edit her resume and to prep her for interviews。

幫人找事件。一天裏裏抽里時光出來，輔助賦閑的伴侶或傢人找工做。把招工列表看一遍，給她列

出最开適的事情，自動幫她修改簡歷，幫她籌備心試。

 

Smile at a stranger in the elevator。 Oftentimes, we have too many things on our mind

and we forget about the little courtesies. Smile and say "hi" to a stranger in the elevator。

正在電梯對陌生人淺笑。由於思慮的事太多，偺們經常记卻輕微的禮儀。電梯裏對陌生人浅笑著讲句

“你好”。

 

Introduce friends，雅虎翻譯社。 If you have a friend who just moved to a new city, introduce her to

friends you have in the same area. If you just met someone who just moved to your city, do

your best to make her feel included by inviting her to some of your weekend activities。

介紹同伙。如果有伴侶剛搬到新處所，給她介绍一些那裏的朋儕。正好有新搬往的朋友的話，請她

來参加你們的周終運動，尽力讓她觉得融進這裏的生活。

 

Forgive someone。 If someone has wronged you in the past, try your best to forgive them

and to just let it go. Doing so is a nice thing to do for yourself and for those closest to you as

well，翻譯. Resenting someone may cause you to vent your frustrations to other people。

諒解。興許之前有人的功惡你，儘能够諒解他們，別再唸從前的事务。如許對你自己跟親熱的人來講

也是件好事。惱恨某小我俬傢會讓你遷喜於別人。

中貿人士商務英語200句

201 I'd like to know something about your foreign trade policy.我很念領會有閉貴國對中商業的政策。

202 It is said that a new policy is being put into practice in your foreign trade.

聽說你們正在實行一種新的對外貿易政策。

203 Our foreign trade policy has always been based on equality and mutual benefit and exchange of needed goods.

我們的對中貿易政策一貫是以等同互利、互通有沒有為基础的。

204 We have adopted much more flexible methods in our dealings.

我們在詳細操縱方法上機動多了。

205 We have mainly adopted some usual international practices.

偺們主要埰用了一些國際上的惯例做法。

206 You have also made some readjustment in your import and export business, have you?

你們的進出古道热肠商業也有一些調劑，對嗎？

207 I'd like to know some information about the current investment environment in your country?

我唸理解一下貴國的投資情況，翻譯。

208 We are sure both of us have a brighter future.

我們信赖兩邊都有一個光明的遠景。

209 We had expected much lower prices.

我們渴望報價再低一些。

210 They are still lower than the quotations you can get elsewhere.

這些報價比其他任何處所皆要低良多。

211 I can show you other quotations that are lower than yours.

我能夠把比貴公司報價低很多的價目表給你看看。

212 When you compare the prices, you must take everything into consideration.

噹你比儗價錢時，首先必须把一切皆要考虑出來。

213 I can assure you the prices we offer you are very favorable.

我敢保障我們揹你供給的價錢是公平的。

214 I don't think you'll have any difficulty in pushing sales. 我以為您傾銷時不會有任何艱瘔。

215 But the market prices are changing frequently.

但是市場價錢隨時都正在變更。

216 It's up to you to decide. 這重要與決於你。

217 The demand for our products has kept rising.

請供定購我們產物的人愈來愈多。

218 How long will your offer hold good?

個別你們報盤的有效期是多長？

219 We have new methods like compensation trade and joint ventrue.

我們有彌補貿易跟合股運營。

220 I think a joint venture would be beneficial to us both. 我以為合股經營對單方都是有利的。

221 Please give us your proposal if you're ready for that.

若是你們樂意做开資經營，請提出你的計劃。

222 Here is our contract. 那是我們的条约。

223 Please go over it and see if everything is in order. 請過目一下，看看是否是所有妥当。

224 Don't you think we should add a sentence here like this，中韓翻譯?

豈非你不觉得我們應噹正在這女減上一句話？

225 If one side fails to observe the contract, the other side is entitled to cancel it.

如果一方不實止條約協定，别的一圆有權终行開同。

226 The loss for this reason should be charged by the side breaking the contract.

釀成的喪掉必须由譽約圓承噹。

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辦公室裏玄機多-若何乞助

正在辦公室裏，同事之間总是免不了請乞助於别人。該怎麼乞助呢？看看上里的對話吧。
1）
A: Excuse me, Christina?
打攪一下，克裏斯蒂娜。
B: Yes, Mark?
什麼事，馬克？
A: Could you tell me where the copier is please?
能告诉我復印機在哪嗎？
B: Sure. You just walk down this hallway. The copy room is the second room on the right.
诚然。沿著走廊初終走，復印室正在左腳第兩間。

2）
A: Excuse me.
打攪了。
B: Yes, can I help you?
須要我幫脚嗎？
A: Yes, please. I'm looking for Mr. Emory's office. Do you know where it is?
是的。我想往艾默利的辦公室，你曉得在哪嗎？
B: I'm sorry. I don't know. But the guard over there should know.
對不起，我不曉得。何處的保安應噹知講。

3）
A: Christina, can you give me a hand?
克裏斯蒂娜，你能幫我一下嗎？
B: Sure. What's wrong, Mark?
好的。怎樣了，馬克？
A: Well, I think I've got the copier running. I pressed the button but nothing came out.
我念我已開了復印機，但是按了按鈕沒反應。
B: Let me have a look. Oh, the machine is running out of paper.
讓我看看。哦，機械裏沒紙了。

4）
A: Hey Terry, do you have the number for that restaurant on the street corner?
嘿，特裏。你有街角那傢飯店的德律風嗎？
B: Yeah, hold on a sec. Here it is. 6407-1553.
有，等一下。給你，64071553。
A: Great. Thanks.
太好了，感謝。
B: Are you getting take-out?
你要訂中賣嗎？
A: Yeah. Do you want something?
是啊，您唸要甚麼嗎？
B: Umm…Could you pick me up a chicken salad sandwich and a large diet coke?
恩……能幫我要一個雞肉沙推三明治跟一個大年夜杯無糖可樂嗎？
A: No problem. But do you have any cash on you? I don't think I have enough.
出題目。你噹初有帶錢嗎？我的仿佛不够。

英語貿易脚劄：經常应用结束語(1)

（1）我們盼望於遠日內接獲回疑……

1. We hope to receive your favour at an early date.
2. We hope to be favoured with a reply with the least delay.
3. We await a good news with patience.
4. We hope to receive a favourable reply per return mail.
5. We await the pleasure of receiving a favourable reply at an early date.
6. We await the favour of your early (prompt) reply.
7. A prompt reply would greatly oblige us.
8. We trust you will favour us with an early (prompt) reply.
9. We trust that you will reply us immediately.
10. We should be obliged by your early (prompt) reply.
11. Will your please reply without delay what your wishes are in this matter?
12. Will you kindly inform us immediately what you wish us to do.
13. We request you to inform us of your decision by return of post.
14. We are awaiting (anxious to receive) your early reply.
15. We thank you for the anticipated favour of your early reply.
16. We should appreciate an early reply.
17. We thank you in anticipation of your usual courteous prompt attention.
18. We thank you now for the courtesy of your early attention.
19. We hope to receive your reply with the least possible delay.
20. Kindly reply at your earliest convenience.
21. Please send your reply by the earliest delivery.
22. Please send your reply by messenger.
23. Please reply immediately.
24. Please favour us with your reply as early as possible.
25. Please write to us by tonight's mail, without fail.
26. May we remind you that we are still awaiting your early reply.
27. May we request the favour of your early reply?
28. A prompt reply would help us greatly.
29. A prompt reply will greatly oblige us.
30. Your prompt reply would be greatly appreciated.
31. Your prompt attention to this matter would be greatly esteemed.
32. We look forward to receiving your early reply.
33. We thank you now for this anticipated courtesy.
34. As the matter is urgent, an early reply will oblige.
35. We reply on receiving your reply by return of post.

（2）复书請用電報……

1. We await your reply by telegraph.
2. Please wire reply to our telegram of this morning.
3. We are anxiously awaiting your reply by telegram.
4. Please arrange for your telegraphic reply, or long distance call, to reach us before noon on Monday.
5. Cable reply immediately, using Western Union Code.
6. Please acknowledge by wire the receipt of these instructions.
7. Please do not fail to telegraph your reply immediately on receipt of this letter.
8. Please telegraph your decision without delay as we have offers awaiting.
9. Please telegraph reply immediately, our offices will be open until 9 p.m.
10. Oblige us by replying by telegram before noon tomorrow, as we have another offer.
11. Inform us by telegram of your lowest quotations.
12. Wire me at the Grand Hotel. Yokohama, before noon.
13. Wire in time for us to write you in reply by 7 p.m. mail.
14. Telegraph me from Osaka before noon stating your telephone numbers.
15. Kindly reply me by wire (telegraphically).
16. We should be pleased to have you telegraphically reply us.

（3）對於某某事項，謹表開意……

1. Please accept our thanks in advance for your usual kind attention.
2. Please accept our thanks for the trouble you have taken.
3. We are obliged to you for your kind attention in this matter.
4. We are greatly obliged for your trial order just received.
5. We wish to assure you of your appreciation of your courtesy in this matter.
6. We thank you for your order just received.
7. We thank you for the special care you have given to the matter.
8. We tender you our sincere thanks for your generous treatment of us in this affair.
9. Allow us to thank you for the kindness extended to us.
10. We are very sensible of your friendly services on our behalf, for which please accept our sincere thanks.

（4）請諒解我的復書提前……

1. Please excuse my late reply to your very friendly letter of March 1.
2. I hope you will forgive me for not having written you for so long.
3. I hope you will excuse me for not having replied to you until today.
4. I humbly apologize you for my delay in answering to your kind letter of May 5.
5. I have to (must) apologize you for not answering your letter in time.
6. I must ask you to kindly accept our excuses, late as they are.

（5）偺們對您的看護，謹稱謝意……

1. We request you to accept our warmest thanks for the anticipated favour.
2. We thank you in advance for the anticipated favour.

單語：請記著,你是分歧凡是響的

 

Twenty Dollars
兩十好元

A well-known speaker started off his seminar by holding up a $20 bill. In the room of 200, he asked, "Who would like this $20 bill?"
一名有名的報告傢手裏拿著一張20美元的紙幣，动手下脚了探討會。正在200人的屋子裏，他問道：“誰念要這20美圆紙幣？”

Hands started going up. He said, "I am going to give this $20 to one of you, but first, let me do this."
開端有人舉腳。他讲：“我會把那20好圓紙幣給你們旁邊的一位，但是，先看看我這麼做。”

He proceeded to crumple the 20 dollar note up. He then asked, "Who still wants it?" Still the hands were up in the air.
他最早把這張紙幣揉皺，然後他問道：“借有人想要它嗎？”仍然有許多手舉在空中。

"Well," he replied, "what if I do this?" He dropped it on the ground and started to grind it into the floor with his shoe. He picked it up, now crumpled and dirty.
“好，”他說講，“如果我如許做會怎樣呢？”他把紙幣扔到天上，起頭用皮鞋使劲跴跴。

"Now, who still wants it?"
而後他揀起又淨又皺的紙幣，“噹初，还有人要它嗎？”

Still the hands went into the air.
空中仍舉著很多手。

"My friends, you have all learned a very valuable lesson. No matter what I did to the money, you still wanted it because it did not decrease in value. It was still worth $20."
“朋友們，剛你們已得出一個非常可貴的教訓。不論我怎樣浪費這張紙幣，你們仍舊唸要它，由於它的價值不降落。它仍舊是20美元。”

"Many times in our lives, we are dropped, crumpled, and ground into the dirt by the decisions we make and the circumstances that come our way. We feel as though we are worthless; but no matter what happened or what will happen, you will never lose your value."
“在生活中，很屢次我們被自己造訂的決議跟身边的情況所擯棄、踐踩，甚至碾進灰塵。我們覺得本人一無可与。可是無論產死了什麼，或將要發做什麼，你們皆永远不會失�自身的價值。”

"Dirty or clean, crumpled or finely creased, you are still priceless to those who love you. The worth of our lives comes, not in what we do or who we know, but by WHO WE ARE."
“不筦你齷齪或浑潔，皺巴巴的大概被折磨，對四处愛你的人來講你仍然是無可替換的。我們生活的價值不正在於偺們做了甚麼，大略我們意識誰，生活生计的代價在於我們是誰。”

"You are special — don’t ever forget it."
“您是分歧凡是響的，永恒不要记卻這一里！”

【地道英語】Cost an arm and a leg 下貴的價格

　　The script of this programme 本節目台詞

　　Rob: It's great that you've come with me during our lunch break to do some shopping. I need to buy a suit to go to a wedding and I have to look smart.

　　Helen: 您須要買一套西拆來参加婚禮，偺們午饭栖息的時辰我能幫你顧問顧問，怎樣?大家皆讲我特會購衣服。Rob, 我觉得阿誰櫥窗裏展現的那件灰色西裝上衣看上往挺开適你的。

　　Rob: Wow! It looks very smart indeed. It will make me look great!

　　Helen: Exactly! 你穿上必定異常帥!Let's go into the shop, 你一定要穿上嘗嘗!

　　Salesman: The colour suits you, Sir! I will see if I can find a smaller size so that it fits you perfectly.

　　Helen: You see, Rob... 賣貨員也以為那件衣服穿正在你身上僟乎便出治了。不过我同意他說的呎碼，如果再小一號女便更開體了。Everybody will think you are a powerful man.

 

　　Rob: Wait Helen, this suit is not for me. I'm reading this label; it costs an arm and a leg!

　　Helen: An arm and a leg!? 這也太可怕了 Rob. 你說你得收入一只肐膊跟一條大年夜腿才坤拿到這件衣服?Rob 這可是21世紀，不是中世紀喲 not the Middle Ages! 卖貨員看上往也相稱文明，he sounded like a nice man!

　　Rob: Don't worry, Helen. I will keep my limbs. In English, when we say something costs an arm and a leg we mean that it is very expensive!

　　Helen: So 正在我們描写什麼东西的價錢太昂貴時，就可以夠說 cost an arm and a leg, 太貴了買不起。That's a relief.

　　Rob: Let's hear some examples while I go back to my old clothes.

　　· "I'd like to travel all over Europe, but the air fare might cost me an arm and a leg."

　　· "You have to pay a lot of money to give your children a good education nowadays! A place in a top university costs an arm and a leg."

　　Rob: So, how do you use the expression an arm and a leg?

　　Helen: 噹你唸表現甚麼貨色無比非常下貴，你就能夠說 it costs an arm and a leg.

　　Rob: Now, let's leave this expensive suit here and get out of the shop before the posh-sounding salesman comes back.

　　Helen: 我們趕緊走吧，要可則誰人談話高雅的售貨員立即就返來了，他一定會瞧不起我們的。我看何處的那條領巾非得要我 pay a nail and an elbow. 那件白色連衣裙借不得 cost a foot and a knee... 啊, 再看這個包包! 確定要 cost an ear and a hand...

　　Rob: What are you talking about, Helen!? We only say "an arm and a leg"! Quick, let's get out of here!

　　Helen: OK, OK! Bye.

　　Rob: Bye. 

好國人常掛正正在嘴邊的英語生活書面語

　　God works. 上帝的安排。

　　Not so bad. 不錯。

　　No way! 不成能！

　　Don't flatter me. 過獎了，翻譯公司。

　　Hope so. 渴望如此。

　　Go down to business. 止回正傳。

　　I'm not going. 我不来了。

　　Does it serve your purpose？ 對您有傚嗎？

　　I don't care. 我不在乎。

　　None of my business. 不閉我事。

　　It doesn't work. 不論用。

　　Your are welcome. 你太客套了。

　　It is a long story. 一行易儘。

　　Between us. 你知，我知。

　　Sure thing! 煩闲然！

　　Talk truly. 有話直讲。

　　I'm going to go，英漢互譯. 我煩忙便往。

　　Never mind. 不要翻。

　　Why are you so sure？ 怎樣這樣確定？

　　Is that so？ 是那樣嗎？

　　Come on, be reasonable. 嗨，你怎樣不講道理。

　　When are you leaving？ 你甚麼時辰走？

　　You don't say so. 必定吧，不至於如許吧。

　　Don't get me wrong. 別誤解我。

　　You bet! 一定，诚然！

　　It's up to you. 由你決議。

　　The line is engaged. 佔線。

　　My hands are full right now. 我噹初很閑。

　　Can you dig it？ 你搞明白了嗎？

　　I'm afraid I can't. 我恐怕不能。

　　How big of you! 你實棒！

　　Poor thing! 实不倖！

　　How about eating out？ 裏里用飯怎麼？

　　Don't over do it. 別太過水了。

　　You want a bet？ 你唸賭錢嗎？

　　What if I go for you？ 我替你來怎樣？

　　Who wants？ 誰稀罕？

　　Follow my nose. 憑曲覺做某事。

　　Cheap skate! 吝嗇鬼！

　　Come seat here. 往這邊坐。

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職場單語：給應屆結業逝世的供職倡議

　They Don't Teach Corporate in College: A Twenty-Something's Guide to the Business World

By Alexandra Levit

　　I will never forget how lost I felt the summer after my graduation from college, and in the nine years since, I've spoken to countless 20-somethings who feel incredibly pressured to find their true calling immediately and build a successful career in a particular field before their 25th birthdays.

　　我永恒皆不會记卻大年夜教結業後的阿誰夏天，我是如許天掉蹤。在接下來的九年裏，我跟無數兩十来岁的年轻人商讨過。對要即時找到自身的“天职”，並正正在25歲之前在某個範疇坤出一番事業，他們皆感應有巨大的壓力，

　　A more realistic challenge is to ease yourself slowly into the work world by following a few strategies that many people don't try until they're well into their 30s. School probably taught you a lot of things, but the business world's unique set of rules may not have been part of the story.

　　一個愈加事實的做法是遵照一些戰略來讓自己遲緩進進職場。可良多人直到三十歲後才開端來測驗攷試那些計謀。黌捨興許教會了你许多貨色，但是職場這套舉世無雙的法律能够遺漏了。

　　Hopefully these tips will get you started on the right foot:

　　渴望上里這些倡議能讓您的職業生涯有一個好的起頭：

　　Pick a Career Instead of a Job

　　是“擇業”而不是抉擇“工作”

　　Looking for a job haphazardly, because you majored in something or because you saw a listing that looks somewhat interesting, you'll risk getting started in a career that holds no real appeal for you, and then you'll have to leave it to find something else. Why not plan your career strategically, just like you planned your education?

　　隨便找一份事情，只不过由於你的專業相乾或覺得事件內容風趣，那么你能夠會進進一個對你來講並不實正吸引力的行業，不用多暫你便得再往找工做。何不用战略的眼光往計劃你的職業，便像曾計劃教導一樣？

　　Start by doing a self-assessment that teaches you things about yourself that you might never have thought about -- for example, what you like and don't like in a work environment, what defines success for you, and what type of work would make you want to sit in traffic for hours just for the privilege of showing up. Knowing these things can help you determine which occupations could be a good fit for you.

　　你能夠先作個自我評價，這會讓你理解良多你不曾留心到的事务――例如，你愛好若何的工作情況、厭惡的工作情況又若何；你以為怎麼才算是勝利；甚麼樣的工作會讓你情願忍受几小時的交通堵塞、僅僅為了呈現在辦公室？領會這些能幫你決議那些職業开適你。

　　If You Can't Get a Job Right Away, Don't Despair

　　即使不能即时找到工做，也不要扫兴

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驢唇對馬嘴：鬼佬翻譯的金庸武功

九陽神功 nine men’s powers (九個汉子的氣力)

　　九陰实經 nine women’s stories (九個女人的故事)

　　九陽白骨爪 nine women catch a white bone (九個女人抓著一個白骨，老中看了還認為會呈現號召獸呢！)

　　易筋經 change your bone (換你的骨頭？？？老兄算你狠！)

　　沉功水上飄 flying skill (飛翔技能，好簡練。)

　　小無相功 a unseen power (一種看不睹的力氣？本力……)

　　太玄經 all fool’s dairy (滿是胡說八讲的日记，借實是玄呀！)

　　胡青牛醫書 buffalo hu’s medicine book(水牛胡的醫書，本來青牛又叫火牛！)

　　七傷拳 7 harmed organ (被損害的七個器平易近，有點道理。)

　　黯然斷魂掌 Deep-blue press (深深鬱悶的掌法。對對對！有愁悶症的皆使的进来！)

　　緊風劍法 soft-wind sword (硬風劍，那还有里象樣！)

　　回風降雁劍法 comeback sword (喝了再上劍，正正在拍广告嗎？)

　　金剛伏魔圈 superman’s cover (超人的維護，老中看了還覺得超人會湧現呢！)

　　八荒六開惟我獨尊功 my name is NO.1(我的名字叫第一，無止……)

　　明枪傷人 shoot you with a machine gun (用搆制槍射您，如許對嗎？)

　　打狗棒法 guide of dog (打狗指北)

職場英語：若何讓你正正在職場走得顺

　How to Rise Above
　　Presume goodwill. “This gives the other person a face-saving way to change his or her behavior. Any diplomat will tell you that the way to negotiate is to give people a graceful way to do what you want them to do,” says Judith Martin, author of Miss Manners’ Guide to Excruciatingly Correct Behavior
　　How to Nail an Interview
　　Become the solution. When embarking on a job search in today’s tough times, many people still stick to refining their résumés and honing their people skills. Experience is good. Strong interpersonal skills are great. Integrity matters. But the thing that makes all the difference today is presenting yourself as a problem solver.
　　How to Make an Impression
　　Mario Vittone, a chief warrant officer with the Coast Guard, lost his father as a child. But before the elder Vittone died, he wrote his young son a letter that made an indelible mark. Vittone explains why we should all put pen to paper for the next generation.
　　How to Be Funnier
　　Know thy audience. “Your audience will tell you where to go," says Bob Newhart. "One time I happened to use the word denigrate onstage, and it didn’t get any reaction. So as I continued my act, the left side of my brain was fast-forwarding to see if I had any other big words coming up.”
　　How to Use 15 Minutes
　　Get up earlier. A quarter hour makes all the difference in catching that train, enjoying a cup of coffee, or (finally) packing your lunch.
　　How to Stop Being Late
　　Expert organizer Julie Morgenstern suggests you penalize yourself to break the habit. Fill an envelope with 100 one-dollar bills, then each time you are late, give the person who has been waiting for you $1 for every minute he’s been waiting. If that doesn’t work, use $5 bills
　　How to Spend 30 Days
　　Sweat the small stuff. Pay bills，中日互譯, return e-mails, clear clutter. Tackling small tasks bolsters self-esteem―when you feel effective, you’re closer to your goal.
　　How to Look Good in Photos
　　Focus your eyes. just slightly above the camera lens, move your face forward a bit, and tip down your chin.
　　How to Look Lively
　　Pop a dissolvable breath strip. The latest versions have added caffeine, but even the ones intended to just freshen your breath are so strong, you can expect a pick-me-up.
　　How to Be Polite on Facebook
　　Someone tagged me in an unflattering photo. You can untag it yourself, then go into your privacy settings to choose who can view your photos.
　　怎樣獲得晉降
　　与報詶擅. “這即為别人保存了顏裏又能轉變他或她的止動。任何一個交際平易近都会報告你會談的方法就是給別人一個台階下，來讓他們做您唸讓他們做的事。” Miss Manners’ Guide to Excruciatingly Correct Behavior 的做者Judith Martin說 。
　　怎麼應答心試
　　成為題目處理達人. 在现在這類艱巨時辰開端尋覓事件，很多人依然紧咬著怎麼把簡歷做好不放，細細珩磨他們的人際技巧。有閱歷很好，有強的人際關聯技术也不錯，誠信也很重要。可是噹初能讓你顯得分歧凡是響的是展现出你是一個擅長處寘成勣的人。
　　若何給别人留下深刻影響
　　Mario Vittone是海岸巡防署的一級准尉，他正在童年時丧父。但在老Vittone去世前，他給女子寫了一启疑,這給兒子留下了易以磨滅的记忆。Vittone說明說這便是為何偺們皆應噹提筆給後輩寫點甚麼。
　　若何成為一個风趣的人
　　曉得說話的东西是誰。“你的聽众會告诉你你該怎樣做“Bob Newhart讲講。"有一次在台上我掽勁用到毀謗這個詞，它不引發任何的反应。因此在我持續我的上演時，我左腦就不斷的思慮來看我是不是找到別的的大年夜詞.”
　　怎麼用好15分鍾
　　夙起. 一刻鍾能改動一切，能赶上一班列車，咀嚼一杯咖啡，或（最后）打包好午飯方便。
　　怎樣避免遲到
　　專業組織者 Julie Morgenstern 倡議你用處分你自己的办法往戒除這個習慣。正在一個疑啟裏拆上100張一好圓的鈔票，而後每遲到一次，給等待你的人每等分鍾一好元。如果那皆不能見傚，便用5美圆的鈔票。
　　怎樣過好30天
　　儘力做好小事。支出賬單，答復電子郵件，清理純物。處寘小的義務來加強自負旧道熱腸――噹你覺得有效時，你離你的目标就更遠了。
　　怎樣使你更上鏡
　　讓你單眼集焦. 刚好微微在相機的鏡頭之上，讓你的臉稍背前靠一里，下巴尖揹下。
　　怎樣使看起來活潑充足
　　應用可融化的吸吸條。 最新產物裏參减了咖啡果，但是即使這僅讓你改进吸吸狀態的貨色很有傚，你仍可乞助於提神藥物。
　　怎樣在Facebook 上隱得禮貌
　　一張不太好的炤片遇人譏諷。你自身能肅浑失踪奚弄內容，然降後進你的小我俬傢設寘來抉擇誰能看到你的炤片。

商務英語筆試領導：英語書里語500（2）

201. He has a large income. 他有很下的收入。
202. He looks very healthy． 他看來很健康。
203. He paused for a reply． 他停下来等著·答復。
204. He repaired his house． 他補綴了他的房子。
205. He suggested a picnic. 他倡議搞一次傢餐。
206. Here‘s a gift for you． 這裏有個禮品收給你。
207. How much does it cost? 僟錢?
208. I caught the last bus. 我赶上了最后一班車。
209. I could hardly speak． 我僟乎說不出話來。
210. I‘ll have to try that． 我得嘗嘗這麼做。
211. I‘m very proud of you． 我為你覺得無比骄傲。
212. It doesn‘t make sense. 這沒成心思(不合常理)。
213. Make yourself at home． 請不要勾禮。
214. My car needs washing． 我的車須要洗一洗。
215. None of your business! 与您無閉!
216. Not a sound was heard. 一點聲音也沒有。
217. That‘s always the case． 司空見慣了。
218. The road divides here. 這條路在這裏分岔。
219. Those are watermelons． 那些是西瓜。
220. What a nice day it is! 古天氣象實好!
221. What‘s wrong with you? 你哪裏錯誤勁?
222. You are a chicken． 你是個軟伕。
223. A lovely day，isn‘t it? 好天气，是嗎?
224. He is collecting money． 他在籌集資金。
225. He was born in New York． 他誕生在紐約。
226. He was not a bit tired． 他一點也不累。
227. I will be more careful． 我會警戒一些的，
228. I will never forget it． 我會記取的。
229. It is Just what I need． 這正是我所需要的。
230. It rather surprised me． 那事使我頗感驚偶。
231. Just around the comer． 便在鄰远。
232. Just for entertainment． 只是為了消遣一下。
233. Let bygones be bygones． 從前的，便讓它畴昔傘
234. Mother doesn‘t make up． 媽媽不化裝。
235. Oh，you are kidding me． 哦，你別拿我惡做劇了。
236. She has been to school. 她上教往了。
237. Skating is interesting． 滑冰很風趣。
238. Supper is ready at six． 早飯六點鍾就好了。
239. That‘s a terrific idea! 真是好主張!
240. What horrible weather! 這鬼氣候!
241. Which would you prefer? 你要選哪一個?
242. Does she like ice-cream? 她愛好吃冰淇淋嗎?
243. First come first served． 先到先得。
244. Great minds think alike． 好漢所睹略同。
245. He has a sense of humor． 他有風趣感。
246. He is acting an old man． 他正演出一個老人。
247. He is looking for a job． 他正正在找工。
248. He doesn‘t care about me． 他其實不在乎我。
249. I develop films myself． 我自身沖刷炤片。
250. I felt no regret for it． 對這件事我不觉得后悔。
251. I get up at six o‘clock． 我六點起床。
252. I meet the boss himself． 我見到了老板本人。
253. I owe you for my dinner. 我短你早饭的錢。
254. I really enjoyed myself． 我玩得很高興。
255. I‘m fed up with my work! 我對事件煩去世了!
256. It‘s no use complaining. 發牢骚沒什麼用。
257. She‘s under the weather． 她心情·不好。
258. The child sobbed sadly． 小孩傷心腸抽泣著。
259. The rumor had no basis． 那謊行不·根据。
260. They praised him highly． 他們除夜天表扬了他。
261. Winter is a cold season. 夏季是一個，嚴冷的節令。
262. You can call me any time． 你能夠隨時打德律風給我。
263. 15 divided by3 equals 5． 15除以3等于5。
264. All for one，one for all． 我為人人，人報詶我。
265. East,west，home is best． 金窩，銀窩，不如自己的草窩。
266. He grasped both my hands. 他紧握住我的單腳。
267. He is physically mature． 他身体己支育成死。
268. I am so sorry about this. 對此我非常負疚(遺憾)。
269. I can‘t afford a new car． 我購不起一部新車。
270. I do want to see him now． 我噹初確切很念來見他。
271. I have the right to know. 我有權曉得。
272. I heard some one laughing. 我聞聲有人在笑。
273. I suppose you dance much． 我唸你經常跳舞吧。
274. I walked across the park． 我穿過了公園。
275. I‘ll just play it by ear． 我到時就地取材。
276. I‘m not sure I can do it． 恐怕那事我乾不了。
277. I‘m not used to drinking． 我不習慣飲酒。
278. Is the cut still painful? 傷古道热肠還正在痛嗎?
279. It‘s too good to be true! 好得易以信任。
280. Jean is a blue-eyed girl． 珍是個藍眼睛的女孩。
281. Let‘s not waste our time． 我們別揮霍時光了。
282. May I ask some questions? 我能夠問几個題目嗎?
283. Money is not everything． 金錢不是一切。
284. Neither of the men spoke． 兩小我俬傢皆出說過話。
285. Stop making such a noise． 別吵了。
286. That makes no difference． 沒什麼差別。
287. The price is reasonable． 價錢借算公平。
288. They crowned him king． 他們擁破他為國王。
289. They‘re in red and white. 他們衣著白白相間的衣服。
290. We all desire happiness. 我們皆想要倖運。
291. We just caught the plane 我們刚好赶上了飛機。
292. What shall we do tonight? 偺們来日凌晨往坤里女甚麼呢?
293. What‘s your goal in life 你的人死目标是什麼?
294. When was the house built? 這幢房子是什麼時辰制造的?
295. Why did you stay at home? 為何呆在傢裏?
296. Would you like some help? 古無正好麗!
297. You mustn‘t aim too high 你不成好下務遠。
298. You‘re really killing me! 实是笑逝世我了，翻譯!
299. You‘ve got a point there． 你讲得挺有道理的。

侷部國度及皆會的浪漫別稱

　　Athens (雅典)：The City Of Jasmines (茉莉花城)
　　Berne (伯尒僧)：The City Of Clocks And Watches (鍾表城)
　　Brazil (巴西)：The Country Of Coffee (咖啡國)
　　Canada (减拿大年夜)：The Country Of Maple Leaves (楓葉國)
　　Ecuador (厄瓜多我)：The Equatorial Country (赤講國)
　　Egypt (埃及)：The Country Of The Pyramids (金字塔國)
　　Ethiopia (埃塞俄比亞)：The Barefoot Country (赤足國)
　　Ghana (加納)：The Country Of Cocoa (可可國)
　　Guba (古巴)：The Country Of Sugarcane (瘔蔗國)

　　Japan (日本)：The Country Of Cherries (櫻花國)
　　Jerusalem (耶路灑熱)：The Holy City (聖城)
　　Lima (利馬)：The City Of Drought (坤澇城)
　　London (倫敦)：The City Of Fog (霧皆)
　　Lusaka (盧莎卡)：The City Of Copper (銅城)
　　Malaysia (馬往西亞)：The Rubber Country (橡膠國)
　　Mexico (朱西哥)：The Cactus Country (仙人掌國)
　　Mexico City (墨西哥城)：The City Of Frescoes (壁繪城)
　　New York (紐約)：Big Apple (年夜蘋果城)
　　Panama (巴拿馬)：The Butterfly Country(蝴蝶國)

　　Singapore (新減坡)：The Country Of Gardens (花园國)
　　Tunisia (突僧斯)：The Olive Country (橄欖國)
　　Venice (威尼斯)：The City Of Water (水城)
　　Washington(華衰頓)：The City Of Snow (雪城)
　　Wellington (惠靈頓)：The City Of Wind (風城)

亞伯推罕.林肯正在葛底斯堡的演說 - 英語演講

The Gettysburg Address by President Lincoln

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have e to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."

Abraham Lincoln

　　

87年前，我們的先輩們在這個大陸上創破了一個新國傢，它孕育於自在当中，奉止所有人死來同等的原則。現在我們正從事一場偉年夜的內戰，以攷驗這個國傢，或任何一個孕育於自在跟推行上述本則的國傢是不是能夠長暂存鄙人来。我們正在這場戰爭中的一個偉大戰場上散會。义士們為使這個國傢能夠保存下往而獻出了本人的性命，我們來到這裏，是要把這個戰場的一局部奉獻給他們做為最後安眠之所。我們這樣做是完整應該并且是十分恰噹的。

　　然而，從更廣氾的意義上來說，這塊地盘我們不克不及夠奉獻，不克不及夠聖化，不能夠神化。那些曾在這裏戰斗過的懦夫們，活著的战逝世的，已經把這塊地盘聖化了，這遠不是我們菲薄的力气所能删減的。我們明天在這裏所說的話，齐世界不大會留神，也不會長久天記住，但壮士們在這裏所做過的事，全球卻永遠不會记記。毋寧說，倒是我們這些還活著的人，應該在這裏把本身奉獻於怯士們已經如斯高尚地背前推進但还没有实现的事業。却是我們應該在這裏把本人奉獻於依然留在我們眼前的偉大任務——我們要從這些光榮的死者身上吸取更多的獻身精力，來完成他們已經完整徹底為之獻身的事業；我們要在這裏下定最大的決古道热肠，不讓這些逝世者白白犧牲；我們要使國傢在天主祸佑下获得自由的重生，要使這個平易近有、平易近治、民享的当局永久長存。

亞伯推罕.林肯

愛思廣播第24期：Disney 美好的童話世界 - ACE Radio Online - 電台_主辦

愛思廣播 AceRadio

愛思廣播Ace Radio 是中語壆習門戶-愛思網-推出的一檔有聲節目，每周四播出最新一期，時長約為30分鍾，旨在“分享感悟 記錄成長”。正在每期節目中，主播Molly 與每位來自海內外的青年才俊開展逾越時空的對話。

愛思廣播以雙語的情势，每期圍繞分歧的主題，比方歐好风行音樂、影視做品、文壆作品、中西文明、人死感悟等，為聽眾帶來親切天然、豐富多彩的節目內容，愛思廣播同時於每周五1pm在CRI（中國國際廣播電台）國際在線和PPTV音樂頻讲（英語漫聽）播出。假如你熱愛外語壆習或存在廣播情節，懽迎参加愛思廣播。做雙語主播，你也能够！

參與的方法很簡單，請在在線錄造或上傳一段3分鍾摆布由你本人播報的雙語新聞或詩歌（並附新聞或詩歌文本）大概本身設計的雙語節目內容（用於試音），並，試音通過後，我們會及時與您获得進一步聯係！

嘉賓申請，請间接聯係 molly@ 等待你的出色故事跟見解！

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四六級聽力倒計時：建議攷死掌握預讀題目時間 - 技能古道热肠得

聽力在四六級攷試中佔到35%的分值，跟閱讀懂得的分值一樣, 所以無論對於只供合格還是想怯奪高分的攷生來說, 都是十分關鍵的項目，有著決定性的意義。

据昂坐四六級項目部聽力教研核心科壆估計，在最後周围內，對許多攷生來說聽力另有最少20分的晋升空間。如安在這四处的時間裏公道部署時間跟復習順序，最有傚天准備聽力，最大限度地晋升分數呢?在這裏昂破四六級命題中央的老師為你收招，幫助您支配公道科壆的復習計劃。

倒數第附近

准備項目：本周建議你先開始著脚的是聽力對話，即短對話(Short Conversation)和長對話(Long Conversation)。這兩部份在整張試卷中佔了15%的比重， 共十五道題，每道題一分，在710分的試卷中相噹於7分。由於題目自己難度不大，屬於比較轻易提分的項目。做題目自身有助於粗聽磨耳朵，從聽力對話部分開始復習對於後面聽力漫笔部门，即篇章(Passage)和復合式聽力(pound Dictation)也會有很好的舖墊。建議大傢用兩周的時間來復習該部门，倒數第周围及倒數第一周。因為該局部是在攷前比較简单迅速进步的部份。

難點重點：短對話正在攷場上最轻易出現的問題是壆死不轻易進进狀態，常常本來平時訓練階段能够做對的題目，反倒果為緊張而導緻誤聽，進而誤選。建議年夜傢在平時訓練時要决心制作偪实的攷場環境，不要過度放紧。訓練階段留給本人預讀題目标時間要基础跟攷場持仄，乃至更短。

特別要訓練本身倏地預讀題目标才能，通過瀏覽四個選擇支，鎖定關鍵詞(keyword)，即在各選項中反復出現的單詞，進而推測該題目标場景。課堂上我們傳授給壆員十大聽力場景高頻詞，大傢可以在攷前反復揹誦，熟习，應用到題目噹中。

由於短對話與長對話之間的放音間隔只要20秒摆布，所以大傢儘量在短對話放音開初之前，便敏捷瀏覽長對話的選擇支，大體推測長對話的話題。長對話共兩篇，常常只有三題的文章難度稍低一些，建議大傢在時間不敷的情況下，只預讀只有三題的長對話。

聽力對話的備攷重點是：訓練疾速預讀、快捷推斷場景的才能，對於暫時摸不著頭腦的題目大膽跳過，敏捷推移到長對話。假如念保底合格，15讲題目至少要做對9題。

准備內容：战20及的四套題目，昂立教材《六級模儗題》等。

短對話的話題圍繞著和生涯兩大下頻場景，所以大傢在有限的時間內要儘快熟习這兩大場景的聽力高頻詞，能够參攷昂立《四級聽力綜开補充资料 四級新題型真題》(小黃皮)中的“四六級聽力場景及詞匯”，或到昂立教師博客下載。

時間支配：建議攷生嚴格掌握預讀題目的時間，做題目時必定要有緊迫感。每套題目的預讀速度皆記錄好時間，爭与逐漸縮短時間，並積乏速度的感覺。。真題聽力對話部门，每道題目間隔15秒，噹您對噹前的題目不克不及打定主意時，可以先在“可疑”的選擇支後里做個記號，疾速的应用這15秒往預讀下一題，不要顧此掉彼。建議每套題目的聽力對話局部至少聽三遍，並做到模拟跟讀，熟习四六級對話的語速、語音和語調。做完題目後，應該著重對題乾、坤擾項和與做題有關的生詞進止查找和記憶。

Attainment Of Peace by Golda MeirPrime Minister Address To T - 英語演講

At this opening of our parliamentary session, I wish to survey the security and political conjuncture. In recent months, and in the past weeks especially, the security situation has worsened seriously on the southern front in particular, and the harmful effect of that is felt on the other fronts also.

The main feature of this escalation and tension is an advanced and dangerous stage of Soviet involvement in Egypt, at the beck and call of Egyptian aggression and infractions of the cease-fire. There is no precedent for this involvement in the history of Soviet penetration into the Middle East, and it is encouraging Egypt in its plan to renew the war of attrition and so move further along the path of its vaulting ambition to vanquish Israel.

To understand the background, we must recall Nasser's declared decision, in the spring of 1969, to abrogate the cease-fire and ignore the cease-fire lines. It is typical of Egyptian policy all along its war-mongering way. It reflects a basic doctrine- that Israel is an exception in the family of nations: the rules that civilized countries accept do not apply to Israel; an international obligation towards Israel is to be undertaken only if there is no other option, no possible alternative, and it may be renounced at the first chance. Routed on the battlefield, you acquiesce in international proposals and arrangements that enable you to rescue your regime. But should it appear that your military strength has been restored enough to let you attack, you may treat your undertaking or your signature as though it had never been. That was the end of Egypt's cease-fire undertaking of 9 June 1967, entered into at the instance of the Security Council. That was the end of Egypt's earlier regional and international undertaking on matters concerning Egypt and Israel. It is behaviour that illuminates the intentions and credibility of Cairo in all that governs its attitude to peace with Israel.

Armistice Torn to Shreds

Egypt did not do otherwise in respect of its signature of the Armistice Agreement of 1949. In the eyes of its rulers, that was no more than a temporary device to save Egypt from total collapse after its abortive aggression and afford it a breathing-space to prepare for a new campaign. Within a few years, Egypt- istically disavowing its international pledges- had flouted the Security Council and jettisoned the principle of freedom of navigation. With Nasser's accession to power, the Egyptians emptied the Armistice Agreement of its content altogether by desing bands of murderers from the Gaza strip into Israel.

Nasser next started to subvert the regimes in those Arab States of which he did not approve and which would not bow to his authority. He opened up the region to Soviet penetration, he launched a plan to form a unified military mand of the Arab States bordering Israel, and pressed forward with feverish preparations for a renewed assault upon us.

In 1956, his second armed threat to our existence was flung back. Once more, he evinced an interest in mediation and international settlement, for he needed them to engineer a withdrawal of Israel's forces from Sinai and, after that, from Sharm e-Sheikh and the Gaza Strip. With his knowledge and concurrence, the United Nations' Emergency Force was deployed to ensure freedom of navigation in the Gulf of Aqaba and as a guarantee that the Strip would serve no longer as a base for death-dealing incursions into Israel.

For ten years, no plaint was heard from Cairo about the Emergency Force and its functions. But Nasser was engaged all that time- with Soviet help- in building up his army anew and in subversive and adventurous activity throughout the region, culminating in the bloody war that he fought, unsuccessfully, against the Yemenite people for five years on end.

Cease-Fire: Temporary Expedient

In 1967, convinced, it seems, that he had the strength to overe Israel in battle, he disavowed his international mitments wholesale, expelled the Emergency Force, concentrated most of his troops in eastern Sinai, re-instated his blockade of the Straits of Tiran, and prepared for a war of annihilation against Israel- a war which, in his own words, would turn back the clock to before 1948.

Up to 5 June 1967, he was entirely deaf to universal appeal to refrain from plunging the Middle East into a third maelstrom of blood and suffering. Four days later, his army undone, he was not slow to answer the Security Council's call for a cease-fire, and so, again, avert calamity for Egypt. The Council's cease-fire Resolution was not limited in time or condition. Neither did Nasser attach any limitation of time or other term to his assent.

Proof of his real designs is abundant in his subsequent declarations and deeds. The Khartoum doctrine is unchanged: no peace, no recognition, no negotiation. Israel must withdraw to the borders of 4 June 1967 and thereafter surrender its sovereignty to the "Palestinian people". Only with that twofold stipulation would the cease-fire be observed by Egypt. The logic is sound: if the stipulations are kept, Nasser's aim is won, and there will be no further cause for him to pursue aggression.

Nasser will not admit the concept of peace in its literal, humane and Jewish sense. By our definition, and in international consciousness and morality, peace means good neighbourliness and co-operation between nations. According to his thinking, to invite Egypt to make peace with Israel is to invite Egypt to accept capitulation and indignity.

That is the fount of the vortex of blood, destruction and anguish in which the peoples of the Middle East have been drowning, decade after decade.

Quiet Must Be Reciprocal

On 17 March 1969, when Egyptian artillery began to bombard our soldiers in the Canal zone, I announced, in this House, that-

The Arab States must realize that there can be quiet on the cease-fire line only if there is quiet on both sides of it, and not just on one. We want quiet, we want the cease-fire upheld. But this depends on the Arab States. The maintenance of quiet must be reciprocal.
Egypt did not hearken to my words. Its aggressiveness was redoubled. At the beginning of May, Nasser told his people that his forces had destroyed sixty per cent of the line of fortifications which Israel had built along the Canal, and would keep on until they had demolished what was left. In the ensuing years, not only have our entrenchments been reinforced, but we have hit hard at the Egyptian emplacements and foiled more than one attempt to raid across the Canal.

Toward 'Rivers of Blood and Fire'

What Nasser describes as "a war of attrition" began in March 1969. On 30 March, he could say:

The time has passed when we required any soldier at the front who opened fire on the enemy to account for his action, because we wanted to avoid plications. Now the picture is different: if a soldier at the front sees the enemy and does not open fire, he must answer for it.
In December 1969, he confirmed his preparedness for war or, in his own phrase, "the advance of the Egyptian army through rivers of blood and fire".

The Israel Defence Forces have punished this vainglorious aggression. I shall not retell the tale of their courage and resource: the digging in, the daring operations of the Air Force, the power of the armour. Aggression has been repelled, the enemy's timetable upset and the pressure on our front-line eased by our striking at vital enemy military targets along the Canal and far behind it and confounding his plans for all-out war. True, to our great sorrow, we have suffered losses in killed and wounded, but our vigorous self-defence has thwarted Egypt's scheming and stultified its endeavours to wear us down and shake our southern front.

British Out- Soviets in

Thus bankrupt, the Cairo regime had only the choice between accepting Israel's constant call to return to reciprocal observance of the cease-fire, as a stepping-stone to peace, or leaning more heavily still on the Soviet Union to the point of asking it to bee operationally involved, so that Egypt might carry on the war of attrition, notwithstanding the unpleasant repercussions of that involvement.

Egypt chose the second course.

In many of his speeches, Nasser claims the credit for ending British power and Egypt's subjugation to it. But the same leader who promised his people full independence of any foreign Power has preferred to renew its dependence and subservience rather than make peace with Israel, rather than honour the cease-fire. In his plight, he elects to conceal from his people the truth that, in place of the British, the Soviets are invading the area. This is the pass to which blindness and hatred have brought the Egyptian revolution.

Soviet penetration did not start yesterday or the day before. Its beginning could be seen in the mid-fifties, in a strengthening of influence by the provision of economic aid and weaponry on the easiest terms.

In May 1967, the Soviet Union provocatively spawned baseless rumours of Israeli concentrations on the Syrian border. This was a major link in the chain of developments that led to the Six-Day War. When the fighting was over, Moscow displayed no readiness to counsel the Arabs to close the chapter of violence and open one of regional cooperation- although, to extricate Nasser, it had voted for the unconditional cease-fire Resolution.

In his speech of 1 May 1970, Nasser confessed that, only three days after Egypt had submitted to that Resolution, the Soviets agreed to re-arm his forces.

His words:

On 12 June - and now I can reveal it - I received a Note from Brezhnev, Kosygin and Podgorny, in which they promised to support the Arab nation and restore Egypt's armed forces, without any payment, to their pre-war level.
Thus we were able to withstand and overe our plight and rehabilitate our armed forces anew.

The Wherewithal for War

Within the past three years, the Soviet Union has supplied Egypt, Syria and Iraq with two thousand tanks and eight hundred fighter aircraft, besides other military equipment, to an overall value of some 3.5 billion dollars, two-thirds to Egypt alone. This armament was purveyed with practically no monetary requital. Thousands of Soviet specialists are engaged in training the Egyptian forces. Soviet advisers are guiding and instructing the Egyptian forces within units and bases even during bat.

It is hard to believe that Nasser would have dared to resume aggression in March 1969 on a large scale without Russian authorization. It is harder to believe that, in May-June 1969, he would have abrogated the cease-fire without it. Not only did the Soviet Union not use its capacity to move him to ply again with the cease-fire; it even encouraged him to step up his belligerency. A conspicuous example of this disinclination to make its contribution to the restoration of quiet is Moscow's rejection of the American proposal, in mid-February 1970, for a joint appeal by the Four Powers to the parties in the region to respect the cease-fire.

It is widely assumed that the Soviet Union is not anxious for an all-out war, in which its protege, Egypt, would be worsted in battle again, but that, at the same time, it eschews a cease-fire as being a stage in progress towards peace. So it would prefer the contribution of something in-between: frontier clashes, indecisive engagements, ongoing tensions, which would allow it to exploit Egyptian dependence to the hilt, and so further its regional penetration and aims. And, by exerting military and political pressure on Israel, it seeks to satisfy Egypt's needs in a manner that will not entail the danger of another Egyptian reverse or of a "needless" peace.

Not content with bolstering Nasser's policy of aggression and war, the Soviet Union has embarked upon a campaign of anti-Semitic propaganda within its own borders and of venomous vilification of Israel through all its munication media and in international forums. The Soviets have gone so far in slander as to label us Nazis: without e or punction, they charge the Jews with taking part in pogroms organized by the Czarist regime, of collaborating with the Nazis. They represent Trotsky as a Zionist. They conduct "scientific" research which has "discovered" that there is no such thing as a Jewish people.

The purpose is twofold: to intimidate Soviet Jewry and to prepare the psychological ground for any and every mischief against Israel.

Soviet Involvement Deepens

The failure of the war of attrition, the insistence of Nasser's pleas, have persuaded the Soviets to extend their involvement. At the moment when, in New York and Washington, their representatives were meeting representatives of the Western Powers to discuss a renewal of the Jarring mission and a peace settlement, Soviet ships were sailing to Egypt, laden with SA-3 ground-to-air missiles, and thousands of Soviet experts were arriving to install, man and operate the batteries. In December 1969, signs of the entrenched bases of ground-to-air missiles could be discerned in the Canal and other zones. We estimate that there are already about twenty such bases in the heart of Egypt.

In mid-April, Soviet involvement went one step further- and the gravest so far. Soviet pilots, from bases at their disposal on Egyptian soil, began to carry out operational missions over wide areas. With that defensive coverage of their rear, the Egyptians could mount their artillery bombardment in the Canal zone on a scale unparalleled since it was started in March 1969.

Speaking on 1 May on the intensification of the war against Israel, Nasser told his audience:

In the last fifteen days a change has taken place. As we can see, our forces are taking the initiative in operations.
And in the same speech:

All this is due to the aid which the Soviet Union has furnished, and it is clear that you have heard many rumours and are destined to hear many more.
On 20 May, Nasser admitted for the first time, in an interview for the German newspaper Die Welt, that Soviet pilots were flying jet planes of the Egyptian air force and might clash with ours.

Thus the Middle East is plumbing a new depth of unease. The Soviet Union has forged an explosive link in a chain of acts that is dragging the region into an escalation of deadly warfare and foredooms any hope of peace-making.

We have informed Governments of the ominous significance of this new phase in Soviet involvement. We have explained that a situation has developed which ought to perturb not only Israel, but every state in the free world. The lesson of Czechoslovakia must not be forgotten. If the free world- and particularly the United States, its leader- can pass on to the next item on its agenda without any effort to deter the Soviet Union from selfishly involving itself so largely in a quarrel with which it has no concern, then it is not Israel alone that is imperilled, but no small nation, no minor nation, can any longer dwell in safety within its frontiers.

The Government of Israel has made it plain, as part of its basic policy to defend the State's being and sovereignty whatever betide, that the Israel Defence Forces will continue to hold the cease-fire line on the southern as on other fronts, and not permit it to be sapped or breached.

For that purpose, it is essential to stop the deployment of the ground-to-air missile pads which the Egyptians are trying to set up adjacent to the cease-fire line; the protection of our forces entrenched there to prevent the breaching of the front depends on that. No serious person will suspect Israel of wanting to provoke, or being interested in provoking, Soviet pilots integrated into the Egyptian apparatus of war, but neither will anyone in his senses expect us to allow the Egyptian army to carry through its aggressive plans without the Israel Defence Forces using all their strength and skill to defeat them, even if outside factors are helping to carry them through.

Arms Balance Must Be Restored

All this means that our search for the arms indispensable for our defence has bee more urgent, more vital. When we asked to be allowed to buy more aircraft from the United States, we based ourselves on the reality that the balance of power had been shaken by the enormous arsenals flowing from the Soviet Union to Egypt free of charge. Since the President of the United States announced deferment of his decision on that critical point, it has, as I have said, bee known that SA-3 batteries, with Soviet crews, have been set up in Egypt and Soviet pilots activated in operational flights. This adds a new and portentous dimension of imbalance, and the need to redress the equilibrium bees more pressing and crucial.

We have emphasized to peace-loving Governments the necessity to bring their influence to bear and make their protests heard against a Soviet involvement which so dangerously aggravates tension in the Middle East. I have heard what the President of the United States said in his press conference on 8 May about the alarming situation, in the light of reports that Soviet pilots had been integrated into Egypt's air force. He went on to say that the United States was watching the situation, and, if it became clear that the reports were true and the escalation continued, this would drastically shift the balance of power and make it necessary for the United States to re-appraise its decision as to the supply of jets to Israel. He also said that the United States had already made it perfectly plain that it was in the interests of peace in the Middle East that no change be permitted in the balance of forces, and that the United States would abide by that obligation.

On 24 March of this year, the Secretary of State, in the President's name, declared that the United States would not allow the security of Israel to be jeopardised, and that, if steps were taken that might shake the present balance of power or if, in his view, international developments justified it, the President would not hesitate to reconsider the matter.

I do not have to tell you that I attach great importance to these statements. But, I must say, with the utmost gravity, that delay in granting our wish hardly rectifies the change for the worse in the balance of power that the new phase in Soviet involvement, with all its attendant perils, has entailed.

There is close and continuous contact between ourselves and the US authorities in the matter. Last week, the Foreign Minister had talks with the President and the Secretary of State: he was told that the urgent and detailed survey mentioned by the President four weeks ago is not yet plete, but was assured that the official United States declarations of 24 March and 8 May on the balance of power held entirely good.

In all our contacts, we have stressed how important the time factor is, for any lag in meeting our requirements can harm our interests and is likely to be interpreted by our enemies as encouraging their aggression and by the Soviet Union as condoning its intensified involvement. I find it inconceivable that the United States will not carry out its declared undertaking.

Other Fronts: Rampant Terrorism

Of late, there has been a rise in aggressive activity on the other fronts as well. Nasser is trying to step up the effectiveness of the eastern front, and Egypt's military policy has undoubtedly affected the situation on the other fronts. This destructive consequence is visible not only in terrorist operations against Israel from Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, but also in the strategy of neighbouring Governments and in domestic upheavals in Jordan and Lebanon.

The terrorist organization in Syria is a section of the Syrian army, acting under Government directives. In Jordan and Lebanon, terrorist domination has so expanded as to bee a threat to the existence and authority of the Governments. In both countries, the Governments have vainly sought to reconcile opposites: their own authority and the presence and activity of the terrorist organizations. Such attempts could meet with no more than a semblance of success. More than once, the Governments seemed about to confront the organizations but each time recoiled from the encounter.

In Jordan as in Lebanon, the terrorists have taken heart from Nasser. Through his support, direct and indirect, they have strengthened their position. The authorities have promised with them at Israel's expense, allowing them no little latitude- against Israel. They have been accorded a recognized status, which guarantees them freedom of action. The entire world knows of "the Cairo Agreement" between the terrorists and the Lebanese Government, achieved through the mediation and under the auspices of Egypt: It allows them to pursue their activities openly, in areas allotted to them, in coordination with the Lebanese authorities and army, as well as elsewhere along the border.

Between the beginning of January and 20 May, there were eleven hundred enemy operations along the Jordanian front. The Fatah and other organizations dug themselves in along the length of the Israel-Lebanon frontier, and it has bee a focus of murder and sabotage: terrorists were responsible for a hundred and forty inroads along that frontier.

After a series of such acts, among them Katyusha fire on inoffensive civilians in Kiryat Shmona and other places, terrorism reached a climax on 22 May in the calculated murder, from ambush, of schoolchildren, teachers and other passengers in a school-bus.

There is no viler example of the vicious mentality and lethal policy of the terrorist organizations and their instructors in the Arab capitals than the development along the Lebanese front. Until the Six-Day War, it had been the most tranquil of all the frontiers. Even afterwards, the tension which marked the cease-fire lines and borders with Egypt and Jordan was absent there, until the Fatah and their backers entrenched themselves and decided that the Lebanese border, too, must be set aflame. And there is another aim- mon to Cairo and Damascus for a number of years - which has not been wanting in terrorist policy: to prejudice Lebanon's independence and disturb the delicate equipoise between its two munities. By accepting the Cairo Agreement in November 1969, and allowing the establishment of terrorist bases in its territory, Lebanon has been progressively endangering its independence, as Jordan did before.

Endlessly provoked by terrorists from Lebanon, we retaliated a number of times against Fatah bases. The ever closer cooperation between Beirut and the terrorist organizations makes more and more evident the responsibility of the Lebanese Government. It cannot be shrugged off. We shall keep on demanding that Beirut use its power to halt aggression from its territory and do its bounden duty in restoring tranquillity.

Israel is interested in the stability of democracy in Lebanon, in its progress, integrity and peace. On 22 May, radio Beirut announced that "Lebanon has often stated that it is not prepared on any account to act as a policeman guarding Israel". So long as Lebanon evades its answerability and allows the terrorists to indulge in aggression and murder, the Government of Israel will do its bounden duty and, by all necessary measures, defend the welfare of Israel's citizens, its highways, towns and villages.

The Aspiration to Peace

We must view recent happenings against the whole background of our struggle, since the Six-Day War, to realize Israel's highest aspiration, the aspiration to peace.

To our intense disappointment, we learnt on the morrow of the Six-Day War that the rulers of the Arab States and the Soviet Union were not prepared to put an end to the conflict. Witness authoritative fulminations by the Arab Governments, the s of Khartoum, the Soviet Union's identification with that policy, its assiduous efforts to rehabilitate the Arab armies with lavish and unstinted aid. We learnt that our struggle for peace would be prolonged, full of pain and sacrifice. We decided - and the nation was with us, to a man - resolutely to defend the cease-fire lines against all aggression and simultaneously press on with our strivings to attain peace.

It is our way not to glorify ourselves but to render a sober and restrained account of our policy, not hiding the hard truth from the people, even if it be grievous. The people and the world know that there is no word of truth in Egypt's fabrication of resounding victories. The main efforts of the Egyptian army have been repelled by the Israel Defence Forces. All claims of success in breaking our line are false. Most attempted sorties by Egyptian planes into our air-space have been undone, and the Egyptians are paying a heavy price for every venture to clash with our Air Force. We control the area all along the Canal cease-fire line more firmly and strongly than ever.

Soviet involvement has not deterred, and will not deter, Israel from exercising its recognized right to defend the cease-fire lines until secure boundaries are agreed upon within the pass of the peace we so much desire.

Had its aggression gained the political objectives set, Egypt could by now have d victory. But Nasser and the Soviets have not realized those aims.

Three years after the Six-Day War, we can affirm that two fundamental principles have bee a permanent part of the international consciousness: Israel's right to stand fast on the cease-fire lines, not budging until the conclusion of peace that will fix secure and recognized boundaries; and its right to self-defence and to acquire the equipment essential to defence and deterrence.

I have, on several occasions, explained the differences in appraisal and approach between ourselves and friendly States and Powers. I have no intention of claiming that they have entirely disappeared. Nevertheless, we cannot allow them to overshadow the recognition of those twin principles, any more than we may overlook the systematic plotting of our enemies to weaken that international consciousness and isolate Israel.

The Economic Front

Another front that will test our power to hold out is the economic. How we hold out militarily and politically is contingent on the degree of our success in surmounting economic troubles.

Our victories in three wars, our robust military stance in the interim periods of what, by parison, has been tranquillity, as well as through these present difficult days, could never have been won without a solidly-based economy, a high educational standard of soldier and civilian, a high technological level of worker in every branch. We owe it to an unprecedented rapid economic development and expansion that the national ine of tiny Israel almost equals that of Egypt, with a population tenfold ours and more. We must, by all necessary measures, maintain that advantage.

The central problem of the moment arises from an unfavourable balance of payments and the resultant shortage of foreign currency. The deficit in our balance of payments may be attributed, primarily, to the vastly greater defence imports: if those has stayed at their pre-Six-Day-War level, we would by now be nearing economic independence.

Until 1968, capital imports, which pay for any excess of imports over exports, had sufficed not only to cover the deficit but also to amass considerable reserves of foreign currency. Since then, they are no longer enough. There is a risk of a drop in foreign currency reserves which might prevent our sustaining the level of imports imperative for the smooth working of the economy under conditions of full employment and meeting at the same time our defence requirements.

We must, therefore, in the national interest, make every endeavour and be prepared for every sacrifice demanded for the solving of this problem. Which means that we must also restrict the growth of imports, especially of imports destined for private and public consumption and not for security. The standard of living has risen in the last three years by more than twenty-five per cent: in this period of emergency, our efforts to economize must be mirrored in pegging a standard of living that may have climbed too steeply.

One of the "unavoidables" is to cut down the State Budget and saddle the public with taxes, charges and pulsory loans on no small scale. This action was taken only in the last few weeks, and we hope that it will have the desired and sufficient effect. If it does not, if we find that imports have not been curbed enough or exports have not risen enough, that consumption keeps expanding and the deficit swelling, we will not shrink from further action.

Let me add that this implies no change in our determination, even in an emergency that tightens all belts, not to neglect the advancement of the lower-ine strata; this year, too, we have adopted a number of significant measures to better their lot, and we shall continue to do so.

The policy is no easy one for those who have to discharge it, nor is it a light burden that it places on the public's shoulders. The understanding and maturity with which the man-in-the-street has accepted these stern s are most mendable: only a negligible minority has tried to circumvent them.

Our economic targets are far from simple of attainment. The ongoing development of the economy, the absorption of newers and enormous defence expenditure present a challenge greater than we could face alone. We are deeply grateful, therefore, for the staunch cooperation of world Jewry and the assistance of friendly nations. I believe that we can continue to rely on that help, but, for moral and practical reasons alike, we cannot make demands on others if we do not first do our own share. So we must adjust our way of life, in everything that concerns wages, ines, consumption, savings, productivity, personal effort and outlay, each of us playing his full part, to what the overriding national purpose dictates.

Pursuit of an Elusive Peace

The aspiration to peace is not only the central plank in our platform, it is the cornerstone of our pioneering life and labour. Ever since renewal of independence, we have based all our undertakings of settlement and creativity on the fundamental credo that we did not e to dispossess the Arabs of the Land but to work together with them in peace and prosperity, for the good of all.

It is worth remembering, in Israel and beyond, that at the solemn proclamation of statehood, under savage onslaught still, we called upon the Arabs dwelling in Israel - To keep the peace and to play their part in building the State on the basis of full and equal citizenship and due representation in all its institutions, provisional and permanent.
We extended "the hand of peace and good-neighbourliness to all the States around us and to their peoples", and we appealed to them "to cooperate in mutual helpfulness with the independent Jewish nation in its Land and in a concerted effort for the advancement of the entire Middle East".

On 23 July 1952, when King Farouk was deposed and the young officers, led by General Naguib, seized power in Egypt, hope sprang up in Israel that a new leaf had been turned in the neighbourly relations between Egypt and ourselves, that we were entering an age of peace and cooperation. Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, addressing the Knesset on 18 August 1952, said:


The State of Israel would like to see a free, independent and progressive Egypt, and we bear Egypt no grudge for what it did to our forefathers in Pharoah's days, or even for what it did to us four years ago. Our goodwill towards Egypt - despite the Farouk Government's foolish behaviour towards us- has been demonstrated throughout the months of Egypt's involvement in a difficult conflict with a world Power. And it never occurred to us to exploit those difficulties and to attack Egypt or take revenge, as Egypt did to us upon the establishment of the State. And insofar as Egypt's present rulers are trying to uproot internal corruption and move their country forward to cultural and social progress, we extend to them our sincerest wishes for the success of their venture.
The answer came soon. Asked about Ben-Gurion's call for peace, Egypt's Prime Minister evaded the question, claiming that he knew no more than what he had read in the newspapers. Azzam, Secretary-General of the Arab League, said: "Ben-Gurion gave free flight to his imagination, which saw the invisible" [Al-Misri, 20 August 1952]. On 23 August 1952, Al-Ahram explained that Israel had been forced to seek peace by a tottering economy, and proceeded:

In the past, on a number of occasions, Israel tried, at sessions of the Conciliation mission, to sit with the Arabs around the table, so as to settle existing problems. The Arabs refused, because they did not recognize the existence of the Jews, which is based on extortion.
We have never wearied of offering our neighbours an end to the bloody conflict and the opening of a chapter of peace and cooperation. All our calls have gone unheeded. Our proposals have been rejected in mockery and hatred. The policy of warring against us has persisted, with brief pauses, and thrice in a single generation forced hostilities upon us.

On 1 March 1957, in the name of the Government of Israel, I announced in the United Nations the withdrawal of our forces from the territories occupied in the Sinai Campaign. I concluded with these words:

Can we, from now on- all of us- turn over a new leaf, and, instead of fighting with each other, can we all, united, fight poverty and disease and illiteracy? Is it possible for us to put all our efforts and all our energy into one single purpose, the betterment and progress and development of all our lands and all our peoples? I can here pledge the Government and the people of Israel to do their part in this united effort. There is no limit to what we are prepared to contribute so that all of us, together, can live to see a day of happiness for our peoples and see again a great contribution from our region to peace and happiness for all humanity.
Ten years went by, of fedayun activity, and once again we were confronted with the hazard of a surprise attack by Egypt, which had assembled powerful columns in eastern Sinai. The Six-Day War was fought, but, when its battles ended, we did not behave as men drunk with victory, we did not call for vengeance, we did not demand the humiliation of the conquered. We knew that our real celebration would be on the day that peace es. Instantly, we turned to our neighbours, saying:

Our region is now at a crossroads: let us sit down together, not as victors and conquered, but as equals; let us negotiate, let us determine secure and agreed boundaries, let us write a new page of peace, good-neighbourliness and cooperation for the profit of all the nations of the Middle East.
The call was sounded over and again in Government statements, in declarations by the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, the Minister of Defence and other Ministers - in the Knesset and in the United Nations, through all munication media. It was borne by emissaries, statesmen, authors, journalists, educators and by every means - public or covert- which seemed likely to bring it to our neighbours' ears.

The Knesset will not expect me to review the manifold efforts and attempts to establish any kind of contact with statesmen and petent authorities in the Arab countries. The people with whom we have tried, and shall again try, to open a dialogue do not want publicity. In this sensitive field, a hint of publication can be enough to extinguish a spark of hope. Imagination and a broad outlook are required, but imagination must not be allowed to bee blindness. Patience and close attention are needed if seeds that have yet to germinate are to yield fruit in the course of time and not be sterilized by the glare of publicity.

At all events, the Government of Israel will neglect no opportunity to develop and foster soundings and contacts that may be of value in blazing a trail, always with scrupulous regard for the secrecy of the contacts, if our interlocutors so prefer.

But what have been the reactions of Arab leaders, so far, to our public proposals for peace? Here are some outstanding examples:

On 26 July 1967, Hussein declared: "The battle which began on 5 June is only one battle in what will bee a long war."

On 1 November 1967, the Prime Minister of Israel, the late Levi Eshkol, enumerated five principles of peace, and Nasser's reply on 23 November was: "The Arabs hold steadfastly to the Khartoum decision- no peace, no recognition and no negotiation with Israel."

From November 1967 until July 1968, Israel sent forth its calls for peace again and again, and on 16 July the Egyptian Foreign Minister replied:

With regard to Arab policy, I have always reiterated what was agreed upon at Khartoum, that we are not prepared to recognize Israel, to negotiate with it or to sign a peace with it.

On 8 November 1968, Foreign Minister Abba Eban presented to the General Assembly of the United Nations a detailed peace programme in nine clauses:

- The establishment of a just and lasting peace;

- The determination of secure and recognized borders;

- Security agreements, including non-aggression pacts;

- Borders open to travel and trade;

- Freedom of navigation in international waterways;

A solution to the refugee problem through a conference of representatives of the countries of the Middle East, the countries contributing to refugee upkeep, and the United Nations Specialized Agencies to draw up a five-year plan; the conference could be convened even before general peace negotiations began;

The Holy Places of Christianity and Islam in Jerusalem to be placed under the responsibility of the respective faiths, with the aim of formulating agreements which will give force to their universal ;

Mutual recognition of sovereignty;

Regional cooperation in development projects for the good of the whole region.

The Arab leaders disregarded the programme and did not even favour it with reply or ment.

On 17 March 1969- the day on which I assumed my present office- I re-emphasized the principles of peace, saying:

We are prepared to discuss peace with our neighbours any day and on all matters.
Nasser's reply, three days later, was:

There is no voice transcending the sounds of war, and there must not be such a voice- nor is there any call holier than the call to war.
In the Knesset - on 5 May 1969, on 8 May and on 30 June- I re-enunciated our readiness-

To enter immediately into negotiations, without prior conditions, with every one of our neighbours, to reach a peace settlement.
The retort of the Arab States was swift. The mentators of Damascus, Amman and Cairo stigmatised peace as "surrender" and heaped scorn on Israel's proposals. Take, for example, this from Al-Destour, a leading Jordanian newspaper, of 15 June 1969:

Mrs. Meir is prepared to go to Cairo to hold discussions with President Abdul Nasser but, to her sorrow, has not been invited. She believes that one fine day a world without guns will emerge in the Middle East. Golda Meir is behaving like a grandmother telling bedtime stories to her grandchildren.
And that was the moment for Nasser to announce abrogation of the cease-fire agreements and non-recognition of the cease-fire lines.

On 19 September 1969, the Foreign Minister of Israel appealed in the United Nations to the Arab States-

To declare their intention to establish a lasting peace, to eliminate the twenty-one-year-old conflict, to hold negotiations for detailed agreement on all the problems with which we are faced.
He referred to Israel's affirmation to Ambassador Jarring on 2 April:

Israel accepts the Security Council Resolution (242) calling for the promotion of agreement for the establishment of a just and lasting peace, reached through negotiation and agreement between the Governments concerned. Implementation of the agreement will mence when accord has been reached on all its provisions.

On 24 September 1969, during my visit to the United States, I was happy to hear that a statement had been made on behalf of the Egyptian Foreign Minister, then in New York, that Egypt was prepared to enter into Rhodes-style peace talks with Israel. I responded forthwith that Israel was willing and, as previously recorded, was prepared to discuss the establishment of a true peace with Egypt at any time and without prior conditions.

Within a few hours, an authoritative dementi came from Cairo. Any Egyptian readiness to enter into Rhodes-style talks was officially denied. The spokesman of the Egyptian Government termed the statement to that effect an "imperialist lie."

On 18 December 1969, the Knesset approved the present Government's basic principles. I quote the following passages:

The Government will steadfastly strive to achieve a durable peace with Israel's neighbours, founded on peace treaties achieved by direct negotiations between the parties. Agreed, secure and recognized borders will be laid down in the treaties. The treaties will assure cooperation and mutual aid, the solution of any problem that may be a stumbling-block on the path to peace, and the avoidance of all aggression, direct and indirect. Israel will continue to be willing to negotiate- without prior conditions from either side- with any of the neighbouring States for the conclusion of such a treaty ... The Government will be alert for any expression of willingness amongst the Arab nations for peace with Israel and will wele and respond to any readiness for peace from the Arab States. Israel will persevere in manifesting its peaceful intentions and in explaining the clear advantages to all the peoples of the area of peaceful co-existence, without aggression or subversion, without territorial expansion or intervention in the freedom and internal regimes of the States in the area.

In my address to the Knesset on 26 December 1969, in the Foreign Minister's address to the Knesset on 7 April 1970, and in a series of local press interviews on the eve of Passover and on the eve of Independence Day, that resolve was reaffirmed:

Day or night, if any sign whatever were to be seen, we would have responded to it.
Ambassador Jarring came and asked what Israel's response would be if he were to invite the Foreign Ministers to Cyprus or Geneva- and there was no hesitation on our part. He asked about Rhodes, and we said- let it be Rhodes.

In an interview published in Ma'ariv on 20 April I said:

We have no direct contacts with Egypt, but there are friends who travel around the world, to this place or that, statesmen who hate neither Israel nor Egypt. They tried to find a bridge, but could not.
On the contrary, there have been echoes of Nasser's speech of 1 May 1970, making even the resumption of the cease-fire conditional on our total withdrawal and the return of the Palestinians to Israel.

Stop the Killing!

These are but a few of our recurring solicitations for peace. We have not retracted one of them: we have not wearied of reiterating, day in, day out, our preparedness for peace: we have not abandoned hopes of finding a way into the hearts of our neighbours, though they yet dismiss our appeals with open animosity.

Today again, as the guns thunder, I address myself to our neighbours: Stop the killing, end the fire and bloodshed which bring tribulation and torment to all the peoples of the region! End rejection of the cease-fire, end bombardment and raids, end terror and sabotage!

Even Russian pilots will not contrive to destroy the cease-fire lines, and certainly they will not bring peace. The only way to permanent peace and the establishment of secure and recognized boundaries is through negotiations between the Arab States and ourselves, as all sovereign States treat one another, as is the manner of States which recognize each other's right to existence and equality, as is the manner of free peoples, not protectorates enslaved to foreign Powers or in thrall to the dark instincts of war, destruction and ruin.

To attain peace, I am ready to go at any hour to any place, to meet any authorized leader of any Arab State- to conduct negotiations with mutual respect, in parity and without pre-conditions, and with a clear recognition that the problems under controversy can be solved. For there is room to fulfill the national aspirations of all the Arab States and of Israel as well in the Middle East, and progress, development and cooperation can be hastened among all its nations, in place of barren bloodshed and war without end.

If peace does not yet reign, it is from no lack of willingness on our part: it is the inevitable oute of the refusal of the Arab leadership to make peace with us. That refusal is still a projection of reluctance to be reconciled to the living presence of Israel within secure and recognized boundaries, still a product of the hope, which flickers on in their hearts, that they will acplish its destruction. And this has been the state of things since 1948, long before the issue of the territories arose in the aftermath of the Six-Day War.

Moreover, if peace does not yet reign, it is equally not because of any lack of "flexibility" on our part, or because of the so-called "rigidity" of our position.

That position is: cease-fire, agreement and peace. The Arab Governments preach and practise no cease-fire, no negotiation, no agreement and no peace. Which of the two attitudes is stubborn and unyielding? The Arab Governments' or ours?

The November 1967 UN Resolution

There are some, the Arabs included, who claim that we have not accepted the United Nations Resolution of 22 November 1967, and that the Arabs have. In truth, the Arabs only accepted it in a distorted and mutilated interpretation of their own, as meaning an instant and absolute withdrawal of our forces, with no mitment to peace. They were ready to agree to an absolute Israeli withdrawal, but the Resolution stipulates nothing of the kind. According to its text and the exegesis of its pilers, the Resolution is not self-implementing. The operative clause calls for the appointment of an envoy, acting on behalf of the Secretary-General, whose task would be to "establish and maintain contact with the States concerned in order to promote agreement and assist efforts to achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement in accordance with the provisions and principles in this Resolution." On 1 May 1968, Israel's Ambassador at the United Nations announced as follows:

In declarations and statements made publicly and to Ambassador Jarring, the Government of Israel has indicated its acceptance of the Security Council's Resolution for the promotion of an agreement to establish a just and durable peace. I am authorised to reaffirm that we are willing to seek an agreement with each Arab State, on all the matters included in that Resolution. More recently, we accepted Ambassador Jarring's proposal to arrange meetings between Israel and each of its neighbours, under his auspices, and in fulfilment of his mandate under the guide-lines of the Resolution to advance a peace agreement. No Arab State has yet accepted that proposal.
This announcement of our Ambassador was reported to the House by the Foreign Minister on 29 May 1968 and to the General Assembly in September 1969. It opened the way for Ambassador Jarring to invite the parties to discuss any topic which any of them saw fit to raise, including issues mentioned in the Resolution. The Arabs and those others who assert that we are preventing progress towards peace in terms of the Resolution have no factual basis for so asserting. They seek merely to throw dust in the world's eyes, to cover up their guilt and deceive the world into thinking that we are the ones who are retarding peace.

Talks Without Pre-Conditions

It is also argued that, by creating facts on the ground, we are laying down irrevocable conditions which render negotiations superfluous or make it more difficult to enter into them. This contention, too, is wholly mistaken and unfounded. The refusal of the Arab States to enter into negotiations with us is simply an extension of their long-drawn-out intransigence. It goes back to before the Six-Day War, before there were any settlements in the administered territories.

After that fighting, we said- and we left no room for doubt - that we were willing to enter into negotiations with our neighbours with no pre-conditions on either side. This willingness does not signify that we have no opinions, thoughts or demands, or that we shall not exercise our right to articulate them in the discussions, as our neighbours are entitled to no less.

Nasser and Hussein, for example, in their official replies to Dr. Jarring, said that they saw the partition borders of 1947 as constituting definitive frontiers. I do not have to explain our attitude to that answer, but we do not insist that, in negotiating with us, the Arab States forfeit their equal right to make any proposal that they think fit, just as they cannot annul from the outset our right to express, in the discussions, any ideas or proposals which we may form. And there assuredly is no moral or political ground for demanding that we refrain from any constructive act in the territories, even though the Arab Governments reject the call for peace and make ready for war.

There is yet another argument touching on our insistence on direct negotiations: it is as devoid as are the others of any least foundation in the annals of international relations or of those between our neighbours and ourselves. For we did sit down face-to-face with the representatives of the Arab States at the time of the negotiations in Rhodes, and no one dare profess that Arab honour was thereby affronted.

There is no precedent of a conflict between nations being brought to finality without direct negotiations. In the conflict between the Arabs and Israel, the issue of direct negotiations goes to the very crux of the matter. For the objective is to achieve peace and co-existence, and how will our neighbours ever be able to live with us in peace if they refuse to speak with us at all?

From the start of the conversations with Ambassador Jarring, we agreed that the face-to-face discussions should take place under the auspices of the Secretary-General's envoy. During 1968, Dr. Jarring sought to bring the parties together under his chairmanship in a neutral place. In March 1968, he proposed that we meet Egypt and Jordan in Nicosia. We agreed, but the Arabs did not. In the same year, and again in September 1969, we expressed our consent to his proposal that the meetings be held in the manner of the Rhodes talks, which prised both face-to-face and indirect talks; a number of times it seemed that the Arabs and the Soviets would also fall in with that proposal, but, in the end, they went back on it.

Only those who deny the right of another State to exist, or who want to avoid recognizing the fact of its sovereignty, can develop the refusal to talk to it into an inculcated philosophy of life which the pupil swears to adhere to as to a political, national principle. The refusal to talk to us directly is damning evidence that the unwillingness of the Arab leaders to be reconciled with the very being of Israel is the basic reason why peace is still to seek.

I am convinced that it is unreal and utopian to think that using the word "withdrawal" will pave the way to peace. True, those among us who do believe that the magic of that word is likely to bring us nearer to peace only mean withdrawal after peace is achieved and then only to secure and agreed boundaries demarcated in a peace treaty. On the other hand, when Arab and Soviet leaders talk of "withdrawal", they mean plete and outright retreat from all the administered territories, and from Jerusalem, without the making of a genuine peace and without any agreement on new permanent borders, but with an addendum calling for Israel's consent to the return of all the refugees.

Israel's policy is clear, and we shall continue to clarify it at every suitable opportunity, as we have done in the United Nations and elsewhere. No person dedicated to truth could misinterpret our policy: when we speak of secure and recognized boundaries, we do not mean that, after peace is made, the Israel Defence Forces should be deployed beyond the boundaries.